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                <text>, politique urbaine, sciences politiques, citoyenneté, sociologie urbaine, développement urbain, habitants, participation, renouvellement urbain, rénovation urbaine, Istanbul, Turkey, Turquie, Petit Clémence, </text>
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27 November 2009

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Cl&amp;eacute;mence Petit</text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;In this lecture, 'Public participation and urban transformation in Istanbul : Europe and Turkey from a sociological perspective', part of the City Institute at York University's City Seminar series, Cl&amp;eacute;mence Petit looks at themes of metropolitan citizenship and democracy in Istanbul in relation to the city's development and geography. She discusses the influence of groups of citizens and other pressure groups on urban renovation and renewal projects in Istanbul, and looks at the relationship of Turkey to the rest of Europe.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Cl&amp;eacute;mence Petit&lt;/b&gt; is a junior research fellow at the Unversity of Strasbourg.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                  <text>Crévilles</text>
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                <text>Yencken, David. Supervisor</text>
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                <text>Mees, Paul Andrew</text>
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                <text>This study examines the reasons behind the decline in public transport patronage in Melbourne between 1950 and 1990, through a comparison with Toronto. The share of urban travel undertaken by public transport has declined since the Second World War in all developed countries, but public transport patronage in Melbourne appears to have declined more rapidly than in most other industrialised cities. Public transport has, however, gained or held ground in Toronto, where the form of development is similar in many ways to Melbourne. Most accounts of Toronto's success (particularly in Australia) regard transport/land-use integration as the critical factor. The contrasting analysis maintains that Melbourne's urban form has changed over this period to a dispersed, car-oriented pattern. This study evaluates a different interpretation of the 'Toronto model'. This is that Toronto has undergone similar urban changes to Melbourne since the war, but has found a way of operating public transport successfully in a relatively dispersed environment. The contrast with Melbourne, then, is not primarily in land-use patterns, but in policies towards the operation of public transport. The principal research objective for this study is to determine the cause of the difference in public transport performance in Melbourne and Toronto since the war, with particular attention to the role played by urban form and transport policy. The research objective is addresed by examining current patterns of, and historical trends in, urban form in the two cities, and comparing these with public transport patronage trends. The comparison reveals that land use does not show correlations with public transport patronage. Patronage does, however, correlate closely with the differing quality of public transport services in the two cities. The explanation for the contrasting patronage performances is found to lie not in urban form, but in the different policies toward public trnasport in the two cities. In Metropolitan Toronto, services have been planned and integrated by a public monopoly; policy in Melbourne has been market-driven, and based around competition and extensive private sector involvement. Toronto's centrally planned system has proven the more flexible in practice, successfully responding to the challenges of changing travel patterns and rising car ownership. While public transport operators in Melbourne have competed with one another, Metro Toronto's single operator has competed with the car.</text>
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                <text>University of Melbourne</text>
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                <text>urban transport policy, public transport, land use, infrastructure, transport</text>
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                <text>Public transport policy and land use in Melbourne and Toronto, 1950 to 1990</text>
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                <text>Monchambert, Guillaume</text>
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                <text>De Palma, André</text>
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                <text>This paper addresses the two-way implication between punctuality level of public transport and commuter behavior. We consider a modal competition between public transport and an alternative mode. Commuters may choose different strategies to minimize their journey cost. In particular, when the bus becomes less punctual, more potential bus users arrive late at the bus stop. We show that punctuality increases with the alternative mode fare through a price effect. This specificity can be viewed as an extension of the Mohring effect. In the general case, the punctuality of a bus is lower at equilibrium than at optimum. According to the alternative mode operating cost, the bus attracts too many (small cost) or too few (large cost) customers.</text>
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                <text>http://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/82/79/72/PDF/Public_transport_reliability_and_commuter_strategy.pdf</text>
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                <text>ENG</text>
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                <text>[SHS:ECO] Humanities and Social Sciences/Economies and finances</text>
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                <text>public transport</text>
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                <text>Public transport reliability and commuter strategy</text>
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                  <text>Métropoles</text>
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                  <text>Métropoles se veut le carrefour des travaux scientifiques issus de la plupart des disciplines en sciences sociales qui s’intéressent au fait urbain et métropolitain. Cette revue thématique souhaite présenter à la communauté académique internationale les travaux les plus significatifs et originaux issus soit des disciplines s’intéressant traditionnellement à la ville comme la géographie, la sociologie, la science politique ou l’économie, soit des disciplines qui interrogent le fait urbain depuis moins longtemps comme l’histoire  et le droit. Elle accueille les travaux produits au croisement des disciplines comme ceux de l’urbanisme, de l’aménagement ou du « planning ». Elle publie des articles en français et en anglais.</text>
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                <text>Fleury, Antoine</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Cet article se propose d’évaluer quelles sont les réalités de la privatisation des espaces publics au sein des métropoles européennes, en examinant la distribution des rôles entre acteurs publics et privés, à Paris et Berlin. La confrontation de ces deux cas conduit à relativiser la privatisation des espaces publics dans les métropoles européennes, en tout cas en ce qui concerne l’intervention du secteur privé dans leur production. Alors que le recours au privé demeure limité à quelques morceaux de ville et varie d’une ville à l’autre, l’investissement public global dans le domaine des espaces publics demeure considérable. Les formes et modes de l’action publique ont en outre été profondément renouvelés depuis les années 1980. Pour autant, si les pouvoirs publics gardent une place prépondérante dans ce domaine, c’est de plus en plus en associant les acteurs privés dans toute leur diversité, des acteurs économiques aux résidants et aux acteurs locaux, en passant par les professionnels de la ville. C’est finalement avec cette ouverture aux résidants et aux acteurs locaux que se dessinent plus précisément des tendances à la privatisation au sein des métropoles européennes, les intérêts privés pesant fortement sur les décisions des élus, les enjeux locaux pouvant s’inscrire en contradiction avec ce qui fait la ville dans son ensemble. </text>
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                <text>The present article focuses on the privatisation of public spaces in European metropoles (Paris, Berlin) in looking at task distribution between public and private actors. Confronting both cities sheds a new light on privatisation practices in European metropoles, at least as far as the private sector’s intervention in producing public spaces is concerned. Private actors intervene in relatively limited areas, with no general pattern. On the contrary, public investment in public spaces remains considerable. Furthermore, patterns form and modes of public action have been deeply renewed since the 1980s. Public action is still dominant, in association with various private actors however – economic actors, residents as well as city professionals. By opening up the decision-making process to local actors and residents, new privatisation tendencies take shape in European metropoles. Private interests thus have a growing influence on city councillors. This sometimes leads to contradiction s with other features of the city. </text>
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                <text>http://metropoles.revues.org/4346</text>
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                <text>Public/privé : la (re)distribution des rôles dans la production des espaces publics à Paris et à Berlin</text>
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            <name>Coverage</name>
            <description>The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant</description>
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                <text>France</text>
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                <text>Tornatore, Jean-Louis</text>
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                <text>Paul, Sébastien</text>
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                <text>2003</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="503842">
                <text>Cet article présente les premiers résultats d'une enquête ethnosociologique qui, à partir de l'examen de processus de réaffectation non industrielle d'anciens sites industriels de Lorraine et de Franche-Comté, s'intéresse à l'évolution, durant ces trente dernières années, du traitement culturel des résidus de la seconde industrialisation et participe à la réflexion actuelle sur les nouvelles formes de l'action culturelle et artistique qui se sont développés dans les espaces vacants (friches industrielles ou marchandes, hôpitaux, casernes, etc.), autrement dit les friches, fabriques, squats et autres « lieux intermédiaires », selon la dénomination en cours du Ministère de la culture. Il apparaît que celles-ci mettent en cause, ou du moins « travaillent » la distinction instituée entre le patrimoine et l'action culturelle, en s'inscrivant dans la perspective plus large du développement local. Dans quelle mesure la réaffectation induite de manière singulière, projet par projet, ne constitue-t-elle pas une alternative à l'option « lieu de mémoire », n'est-elle pas une manière d'assurer, par la continuité et le renouvellement du lieu, la permanence d'un principe d'indexation des personnes, d'ajustement d'un collectif et d'un territoire ? Si on confronte ce questionnement aux évolutions conjointes des politiques patrimoniales et de l'aménagement du territoire de la fin du XXe siècle, on peut être frappé par la proximité de certaines expériences du type « friche » avec la perspective écomuséale inaugurée, il y a maintenant trente ans, par l'expérience du Creusot ; proximité lisible en particulier dans la revendication d'un travail non pas en direction d'un public mais avec des habitants ou une population. De là l'hypothèse qu'avec ces nouveaux « espaces », on est peut-être en présence d'une forme de recomposition de l'utopie écomuséale. Là se rejouerait la lutte contre l'idéologie de la démocratisation culturelle.</text>
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                <text>http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00126549</text>
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                <text>http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/12/65/49/PDF/2003_JL_Tornatore_et_S._Paul_-_Publics_ou_populations.pdf</text>
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Delft University Press

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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Like other West European countries, the Netherlands are facing a growing uneasiness about its changing demographics. It is within this context that animated discussions concerning immigrant neighbourhoods dominate. The general opinion is that living in such neighbourhoods hinders the 'integration' of immigrants into Dutch society. This book contributes to the academic and policy debate by not only examining the effects of ethnic concentration, but also by finding out how people are sorted into neighbourhoods. Bringing together different bodies of literature, this book offers a more holistic view of the creation of ethnic residential segregation and its potential significance for individual life chances.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Preface&lt;/div&gt;
Introduction&lt;/div&gt;
Confined contact : Residential segregation and ethnic bridges in the Netherlands&lt;/div&gt;
Concentrating on participation : Ethnic concentration and labour market participation of four ethnic groups&lt;/div&gt;
Involuntary isolation : Ethnic preferences and residential segregation&lt;/div&gt;
Residential outcomes of forced relocation : Lifting a corner of the veil on neighbourhood selection&lt;/div&gt;
The significance of self-selection for neighbourhood sorting and its implications for neighbourhood effect studies&lt;/div&gt;
Conclusion&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Wenda Doff &lt;/b&gt;is a Researcher in the OTB Research Institute for the Built Environment at TU Delft.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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1er avril 2009

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Actes Sud

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164</text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par l'&amp;eacute;diteur :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Loin l&amp;agrave;-haut, &amp;agrave; 10 degr&amp;eacute;s du p&amp;ocirc;le nord, sur l'archipel perdu du Svalbard (Spitzberg), territoire norv&amp;eacute;gien, les Russes exploitent depuis pr&amp;egrave;s d'un si&amp;egrave;cle quelques mines de charbon. Autour de l'une de celles-ci, Pyramiden, fut construite une ville qui, dans les ann&amp;eacute;es 1990, comptait 2 500 habitants. En quelques semaines, ils abandonn&amp;egrave;rent totalement les lieux. La ville subsiste, t&amp;eacute;moin d'une architecture id&amp;eacute;ale socialiste. Dans le palais de la culture, des photos montrent les derni&amp;egrave;res rencontres sportives et les spectacles scolaires comme s'ils dataient d'hier. Les livres sont sur les rayons de la biblioth&amp;egrave;que, les jouets sur le parquet de la cr&amp;egrave;che, les animaux locaux empaill&amp;eacute;s attendent un improbable visiteur du mus&amp;eacute;e. A Pyramiden, le temps s'est arr&amp;ecirc;t&amp;eacute;.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Outre une r&amp;eacute;flexion sociale, politique mais aussi litt&amp;eacute;raire sur cette belle ville fant&amp;ocirc;me perdue dans un bout du monde, et qu'il a visit&amp;eacute;e, Kjartan Fl&amp;Oslash;gstad analyse le projet culturel et social de Pyramiden en l'&amp;eacute;largissant au th&amp;egrave;me de la mine, avec des r&amp;eacute;f&amp;eacute;rences que l'auteur puise dans le folklore comme dans la litt&amp;eacute;rature (Orwell, Kapuscinsky, Zola) ou la musique (Dylan, Lluis Lach, Woody Guthrie). Centr&amp;eacute; sur la construction d'une utopie urbaine, son essai interroge un projet moderniste aussi bien que les valeurs id&amp;eacute;ales du travail, symbolis&amp;eacute;es par le mineur, arch&amp;eacute;type de l'ouvrier communiste victorieux face &amp;agrave; l'avenir, mais aussi du travailleur productif en Occident dans les ann&amp;eacute;es 1950.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Kjartan Flogstad&lt;/b&gt; est un &amp;eacute;crivain et essayiste norv&amp;eacute;gien.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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        <name>mine</name>
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        <name>Norvège</name>
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                <text>Casajus, Dominique</text>
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                <text>Quelle que soit la part de l'imagination dans le Voyage en Orient, que Gérard de Nerval a publié en 1851, il est possible d'y retrouver les traces du voyage qui, en 1843, l'a effectivement conduit au Caire puis à Constantinople. Le présent article part à la recherche de ces traces, en se cantonnant à la partie cairote du voyage. En même temps, on propose d'y mettre certains des procédés d'écriture de Nerval en regard avec ce qui est pratiqué aujourd'hui dans la littérature ethnographique.</text>
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                <text>Terrains d'écrivains. Littérature et ethnographie</text>
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                <text>[SHS:ANTHRO_SE] Humanities and Social Sciences/Social Anthropology and ethnology</text>
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                <text>[SHS:LITT] Humanities and Social Sciences/Literature</text>
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                <text>romantisme</text>
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                <text>Qu'alla-t-il faire au Caire ? Le Voyage en Orient de Gérard de Nerval</text>
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                <text>François, Jean-Christophe</text>
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                <text>À partir de l'exemple des disparités de revenus en Île-de-France en 1999, on se propose ici d'observer&lt;br /&gt;ce que le passage de l'échelon statistique communal à l'échelon infracommunal permet d'apprendre de plus sur les&lt;br /&gt;formes d'organisation spatiale. Le changement d'échelle fait apparaître des formes cartographiques qui ne sont pas&lt;br /&gt;toujours prévisibles : les limites des secteurs structurant la division sociale de l'agglomération sont plus marquées&lt;br /&gt;à l'échelon le plus fin, tandis que certains territoires apparaissent coupés en deux et que d'autres révèlent une&lt;br /&gt;mixité sociale insoupçonnée.</text>
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                <text>Cairn</text>
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                <text>Qu'attendre des dispositifs de démocratie locale? l'espérience bruxelloise</text>
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                <text>Une livraison de la revue Traits urbains (N° 67, 4/2014).&#13;
&#13;
« Verbale », « logico-mathématique », « kinesthésique », « interpersonnelle »… On considère, depuis les travaux d'Howard Gardner (1), qu'il existe plusieurs formes d'intelligence. Les développeurs de services urbains et de nouvelles technologies n'ont pourtant pas hésité à s'emparer de ce terme ambitieux pour englober et valoriser leurs multiples innovations. En réalité, lorsqu'il s'applique à la ville, le qualificatif « intelligente » est essentiellement à traduire par « numérique ». Notre dossier (pp. 16 à 27) propose un état des projets et des applications opérationnelles, applications que nos lecteurs retrouvent aussi régulièrement dans la rubrique « Produits &amp; process », et qui auront également leur place dans nos prochains dossiers (« mobilités », « espaces publics »...). Car le concept d'« intelligence » numérique est désormais aussi présent dans la fabrication de la ville que celui de « durabilité ».&#13;
&#13;
La ville « intelligente » se conçoit à l'échelle d'un bâtiment, d'un quartier. Ou, mieux, d'un grand territoire, où elle prend la forme d'une coopération multi-formes entre toutes sortes d'acteurs, comme l'illustre l'expérience de la Troisième révolution industrielle entreprise par le Nord-Pas-de-Calais sous la houlette de Jeremy Rifkin (2). (lire pp. 34 à 37).&#13;
&#13;
La ville « numérique », dont l'un des supports est la téléphonie mobile, produit aussi potentiellement ses nuisances, encore mal évaluées. Certaines villes utilisent d'ores et déjà des outils pour les analyser et, peut-être, les maîtriser (pp. 42 à 44). Certains fondamentaux du projet urbain sont toutefois appelés à persister. Notamment l'un des plus récemment intégrés à la fabrication de la ville : la prise en compte, dès sa conception, des usages et de leur évolution.&#13;
&#13;
Une gageure, alors que les technologies progressent si vite que nous ne savons pas exactement de quels outils nous disposerons dans cinq ans. La ville intelligente sera donc imaginative, mais aussi adaptable.&#13;
&#13;
1. Howard Gardner, psychologue américain du développement, a construit à partir des années 1980 la théorie des intelligences multiples.&#13;
&#13;
2. Jeremy Rifkin, prospectiviste américain, prône une « troisième révolution industrielle », changement de modèle économique s'appuyant sur l'internet et les énergies renouvelables.</text>
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Editions de la Villette

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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Liant philosophie, psychanalyse et architecture, Bernard Salignon interroge comment le concept d&amp;rsquo;habiter est au coeur de l&amp;rsquo;habitat, pens&amp;eacute; non comme une r&amp;eacute;ponse &amp;agrave; un besoin d&amp;rsquo;abri mais comme une relation existentielle au monde. Il invite &amp;agrave; penser l&amp;rsquo;habitation des hommes - forc&amp;eacute;ment urbaine - comme l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;v&amp;eacute;nement &amp;eacute;thique et esth&amp;eacute;tique qui ouvre &amp;agrave; de possibles accords entre la demeure, la ville, la nature, le monde. Pour y parvenir sont requis le soin, l&amp;rsquo;attention et la bienveillance des d&amp;eacute;cideurs et des concepteurs surtout s&amp;rsquo;ils oeuvrent pour le plus grand nombre soit dans le cadre de l&amp;rsquo;habitat social.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Bernard Salignon&lt;/b&gt;, philosophe, professeur d&amp;rsquo;esth&amp;eacute;tique, est directeur du d&amp;eacute;partement de psychanalyse et de l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;quipe de recherche habilit&amp;eacute;e de l&amp;rsquo;Universit&amp;eacute; de Montpellier.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>, urbanisme, histoire, société urbaine, aménagement, Paquot Thierry</text>
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Thierry Paquot</text>
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Certes, la chose a certainement exist&amp;eacute; avant le mot, mais elle n&amp;rsquo;a &amp;eacute;t&amp;eacute; confort&amp;eacute;e et codifi&amp;eacute;e qu&amp;rsquo;&amp;agrave; partir de l&amp;rsquo;apparition du terme et, dans la foul&amp;eacute;e, par les praticiens qui s&amp;rsquo;en r&amp;eacute;clamaient et par la formation qui la portait.  &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
On attribue &amp;agrave; Idelfonso Cerd&amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;invention du n&amp;eacute;ologisme catalan urbanizacion en 1867 et &amp;agrave; Joseph St&amp;uuml;bben et Camillo Sitte sa version allemande, der Stadtebau, respectivement en 1880 et 1889. L&amp;rsquo;anglais n&amp;rsquo;est pas en reste avec town planning qui se manifeste en 1909, tandis que le fran&amp;ccedil;ais &amp;quot;urbanisme&amp;quot; appara&amp;icirc;t comme titre d&amp;rsquo;un article de Pierre Clerget en 1910, article qui au demeurant ne nous en dit rien !  &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Comment ces auteurs, qui ne se connaissent pas n&amp;eacute;cessairement, d&amp;eacute;finissent-ils cet &amp;quot;art de b&amp;acirc;tir les villes&amp;quot; ? Comment un corps de m&amp;eacute;tier, les urbanistes, s&amp;rsquo;est-il constitu&amp;eacute; ? O&amp;ugrave; se formaient-ils ? &amp;Agrave; pr&amp;eacute;sent, quelle place occupent-t-ils dans la fabrication des villes et de ce que l&amp;rsquo;on nomme &amp;quot;l&amp;rsquo;urbain diffus&amp;quot; ? N&amp;rsquo;observons-nous pas la cr&amp;eacute;ation d&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;tablissements humains sans urbaniste et sans urbanisme ? Que faut-il en penser ? Ce sont &amp;agrave; ces questions, et &amp;agrave; quelques autres, que Thierry Paquot tente d&amp;rsquo;apporter des r&amp;eacute;ponses, en sugg&amp;eacute;rant que l&amp;rsquo;urbanisme est l&amp;rsquo;affaire de tous les citadins et qu&amp;rsquo;il est grand temps d&amp;rsquo;imaginer un urbanisme sensoriel, chronotopique, participatif et d&amp;eacute;croissant !  &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Thierry Paquot&lt;/b&gt; est philosophe de l&amp;rsquo;urbain, professeur des universit&amp;eacute;s (&lt;a href="http://urbanisme.univ-paris12.fr/" target="_blank"&gt;Institut d&amp;rsquo;urbanisme de Paris,&lt;/a&gt; Paris XII), membre de la Commission du vieux Paris, pr&amp;eacute;sident de l&amp;rsquo;Acad&amp;eacute;mie nationale des arts de la rue, &amp;eacute;diteur de la revue &lt;a href="http://www.urbanisme.fr/home/index.php" target="_blank"&gt;Urbanisme&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
etites le&amp;ccedil;ons d'urbanisme.&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>Qu'est-ce que la ville créative ?</text>
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                <text>créativité, culture, art, artiste, attractivité, gentrification, politique culturelle, dynamiques urbaines, Vivant Elsa</text>
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Elsa Vivant</text>
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25 novembre 2009

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Puf

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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par l'&amp;eacute;diteur :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Les maires des grandes villes affirment tous que leur pr&amp;eacute;occupation premi&amp;egrave;re est de d&amp;eacute;velopper l&amp;rsquo;attractivit&amp;eacute; de leur cit&amp;eacute;. Comment ? En faisant de celle-ci un lieu propice &amp;agrave; la cr&amp;eacute;ativit&amp;eacute;, en y combinant les ressources du talent, de la tol&amp;eacute;rance et de la technologie : c&amp;rsquo;est la recette propos&amp;eacute;e par le g&amp;eacute;ographe et &amp;eacute;conomiste Richard Florida pour r&amp;eacute;unir sous l&amp;rsquo;enseigne de &amp;quot;classe cr&amp;eacute;ative&amp;quot; artistes, intellectuels et prestataires de services aux grandes firmes.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Un tel assemblage va-t-il de soi ? Il m&amp;ecirc;le h&amp;acirc;tivement deux ph&amp;eacute;nom&amp;egrave;nes distincts : d&amp;rsquo;une part, le processus de &amp;quot;gentrification&amp;quot; urbaine par lequel les &amp;quot;cr&amp;eacute;ateurs&amp;quot; &amp;ndash; artistes et professions culturelles et intellectuelles &amp;ndash; r&amp;eacute;investissent la ville, lieu d&amp;rsquo;opportunit&amp;eacute;s et de rencontres ; d&amp;rsquo;autre part, un traitement volontariste et foncier du paysage urbain destin&amp;eacute; &amp;agrave; attirer les &amp;quot;cr&amp;eacute;atifs&amp;quot; de la publicit&amp;eacute; et des banques. Mais peut-on attirer les &amp;quot;cr&amp;eacute;atifs&amp;quot; sans faire fuir les &amp;quot;cr&amp;eacute;ateurs&amp;quot; ?&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Elsa Vivant&lt;/b&gt; est ma&amp;icirc;tre de conf&amp;eacute;rences en urbanisme &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;Institut fran&amp;ccedil;ais d&amp;rsquo;urbanisme.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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