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                <text>Partant du constat que les cartes de bruit actuelles (quantitatives) doivent nécessairement inclure des données qualitatives pour être plus opérantes, ce travail propose d'explorer quelques pistes pour montrer comment on peut représenter les qualités d'une situation sonore urbaine sur une carte. S'appuyant sur les trois caractères fondamentaux de l'espace sonore humain {temporalité, discrétion, métabole), ainsi que sur les principales approches théoriques de la qualité sonore développées à ce jour (les objets sonores, les effets sonores, les notions d'environnement, de milieu et de paysage sonores, les ambiances sonores), il cherche à voir comment une carte des qualités sonores peut être possible. Pour ce faire, il propose de multiples cartes, destinées chacune à aborder certains des problèmes cités précédemment, et réalisées lors de deux étapes de recherche successives (l'une sur support papier et l'autre sur support informatique, SIG). Par un bref retour analytique, il cherche ensuite à voir ce qui a pu être réalisé (introduction du temps sur la carte, multiples aspects qualitatifs traités, etc.), ce qui s'est avéré irréalisable (représentation exhaustive des effets ou des ambiances sonores), ainsi que les limites des systèmes proposés (en particulier en ce qui concerne la répartition spatiale des phénomènes et l'approche sensible des individus). Sur la base de ces expériences, il esquisse alors une première ébauche de ce que pourrait être un cadre théorique et méthodologique global de la représentation des qualités de l'espace sonore humain. Et enfin, il propose quelques nouvelles pistes de recherche susceptibles de faire avancer l'étude de la cartographie sonore qualitative.</text>
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                <text>Vers une mobilité durable en Europe</text>
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Collectif</text>
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Mars 2009

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IAURIF

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                <text>http://www.iau-idf.fr/nos-etudes/detail-dune-etude/etude/les-transports-dans-les-grandes-metropoles-tome-2.html</text>
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180</text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par l'&amp;eacute;diteur :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
En 2000, l&amp;rsquo;IAU &amp;icirc;le-de-France consacrait deux num&amp;eacute;ros successifs de ses Cahiers (n&amp;deg; 127 et n&amp;deg; 128) aux &amp;quot;transports dans les grandes m&amp;eacute;tropoles&amp;quot;. Feuilleter ces documents aujourd&amp;rsquo;hui, c&amp;rsquo;est prendre conscience des permanences de notre vision des choses, mais aussi de ses &amp;eacute;volutions. De quoi parlait-on &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;poque ? Comme aujourd&amp;rsquo;hui, de gouvernance (on se contentait du terme &amp;quot;institutions&amp;quot;) et de financement. On attendait beaucoup de la d&amp;eacute;centralisation des transports collectifs, qui venait de se produire &amp;agrave; Londres et que l&amp;rsquo;on esp&amp;eacute;rait encore pour l&amp;rsquo;&amp;Icirc;le-de-France. C&amp;rsquo;est chose faite et on peut juger de ses b&amp;eacute;n&amp;eacute;fices.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Les besoins financiers consid&amp;eacute;rables des m&amp;eacute;tropoles de rang mondial pour moderniser et &amp;eacute;tendre leurs r&amp;eacute;seaux de transport collectif, afin de conserver leur dynamisme &amp;eacute;conomique, &amp;eacute;taient illustr&amp;eacute;s par New-York et Londres. Les plans de mobilisation de la R&amp;eacute;gion &amp;Icirc;le-de-France ou du nouveau maire de Londres t&amp;eacute;moignent aujourd&amp;rsquo;hui d&amp;rsquo;un sujet toujours actuel et toujours sans v&amp;eacute;ritable ressource nouvelle et p&amp;eacute;renne. On attendait de l&amp;rsquo;introduction de la concurrence des fonctionnements plus efficaces. C&amp;rsquo;est ce qu&amp;rsquo;on escompte pour le ferroviaire, mais on sait pour les r&amp;eacute;seaux urbains que la cl&amp;eacute; se trouve du c&amp;ocirc;t&amp;eacute; de la relation contractuelle entre l&amp;rsquo;autorit&amp;eacute; publique et l&amp;rsquo;exploitant, qu&amp;rsquo;il soit public ou priv&amp;eacute;.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>Vers une nouvelle révolution urbaine ?</text>
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26 mars 2012

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Christian Devillers</text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par le diffuseur :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
La premi&amp;egrave;re moiti&amp;eacute; du XXe si&amp;egrave;cle a profond&amp;eacute;ment renouvel&amp;eacute; les id&amp;eacute;es en mati&amp;egrave;re d&amp;rsquo;urbanisme alors que la population urbaine connaissait une croissance sans pr&amp;eacute;c&amp;eacute;dent qui se poursuit aujourd&amp;rsquo;hui dans les pays &amp;eacute;mergents.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
La s&amp;eacute;paration des fonctions, la sp&amp;eacute;cialisation des formes urbaines (tours et barres d&amp;rsquo;un c&amp;ocirc;t&amp;eacute;, pavillons de l&amp;rsquo;autre), l&amp;rsquo;extension sans limite des infrastructures de d&amp;eacute;placement, de la consommation d&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;nergies et de terres agricoles, tout cela a &amp;eacute;t&amp;eacute; remis en question au nom d&amp;rsquo;un retour &amp;agrave; la ville et d&amp;rsquo;un urbanisme de reconversion &amp;agrave; partir des ann&amp;eacute;es 70. La prise de conscience massive de la raret&amp;eacute; des ressources n&amp;rsquo;a fait qu&amp;rsquo;accentuer le processus.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Aujourd&amp;rsquo;hui, le d&amp;eacute;veloppement durable et la demande sociale d&amp;rsquo;une meilleure qualit&amp;eacute; de vie en ville sont en train de produire un nouveau bouleversement des id&amp;eacute;es et des formes urbaines.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Christian Devillers&lt;/b&gt; est architecte, urbaniste et professeur d&amp;rsquo;architecture, auteur de nombreux articles qui d&amp;eacute;veloppent sa r&amp;eacute;flexion sur la notion de projet urbain. Il a re&amp;ccedil;u le prix de l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;querre d&amp;rsquo;argent en 1984, le grand prix d&amp;rsquo;urbanisme et de l&amp;rsquo;art urbain en 1998 et le prix de l&amp;rsquo;urbanisme durable en 2006.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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1H</text>
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D&amp;eacute;cembre 2008

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Presses Sorbonne Nouvelle

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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par l'&amp;eacute;diteur :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
La Grande-Bretagne, berceau de la r&amp;eacute;volution industrielle et, &amp;agrave; ce titre de la ville moderne, n'a jamais cess&amp;eacute; d'alimenter la r&amp;eacute;flexion sur la ville. C'est ainsi qu'&amp;agrave; la fin du 19e si&amp;egrave;cle le mouvement des cit&amp;eacute;s-jardins est n&amp;eacute; en r&amp;eacute;action aux conditions de vie urbaines. Puis, au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la cr&amp;eacute;ation de villes nouvelles tente d'apporter une r&amp;eacute;ponse &amp;agrave; la surpopulation urbaine. Cependant, depuis les ann&amp;eacute;es 1960, les villes anglaises paraissent en proie &amp;agrave; une crise caract&amp;eacute;ris&amp;eacute;e par la fuite des classes moyennes, l&amp;rsquo;effondrement de leur base industrielle et le d&amp;eacute;clin du tissu urbain, en d&amp;eacute;pit des multiples programmes urbains.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Paradoxalement, bien que la base &amp;eacute;lectorale du parti travailliste soit traditionnellement ancr&amp;eacute;e en milieu urbain, les engagements du parti en 1997 ne faisaient gu&amp;egrave;re de place &amp;agrave; la politique de la ville. En d&amp;eacute;pit de ce silence, trois ans apr&amp;egrave;s l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;lection du parti travailliste en 2000, la politique de la ville est devenue un axe fort et les villes anglaises b&amp;eacute;n&amp;eacute;ficient d&amp;rsquo;un nombre toujours croissant de mesures et de programmes. Ceux-ci ont-ils permis l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;panouissement d&amp;rsquo;une v&amp;eacute;ritable renaissance urbaine au d&amp;eacute;but du 21e si&amp;egrave;cle, comme l&amp;rsquo;affirme le gouvernement, ou ne constituent-ils qu&amp;rsquo;une tentative inaboutie ?&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
C&amp;rsquo;est autour de cette question que s&amp;rsquo;articule cet ouvrage, &amp;agrave; travers huit articles consacr&amp;eacute;s &amp;agrave; un &amp;eacute;ventail de sujets allant de l&amp;rsquo;urbanisme et du patrimoine urbain &amp;agrave; la condition de la jeunesse et au r&amp;ocirc;le de la culture, en passant par l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;valuation et par l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;tude des deux municipalit&amp;eacute;s de Birmingham et de Neston et celle de la r&amp;eacute;gion des West Midlands.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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La ville de Versailles et le château sont deux entités distinctes. Face au poids du 
patrimoine et de la mémoire du château, la ville tient au XIXe siècle à affirmer son 
identité. Comment gérer le paradoxe de faire exister la ville à la fois en dépit et en 
fonction du château ? Ce n'est qu'en mai 1789 que Versailles a été dotée d'une 
municipalité, à la veille de son abandon par la Cour en octobre. Elle doit à la 
Révolution sa reconversion comme chef-lieu de département et restructure son 
espace en fonction de ses nouvelles activités. Trop étendue par rapport à sa faible 
population et totalement dépourvue de biens propres, elle surmonte avec difficulté 
ce double handicap; elle parvient à arracher au Domaine tant les éléments d'un 
patrimoine propre que des droits d'usage sur l'emprise du château, tout en exploitant ce capital touristique. Tributaire de cette contrainte économique, elle ne 
parvint pas à imposer, face à la mémoire de la demeure des rois, renforcée par 
les événements de 1871, sa propre identité politique, libérale et républicaine, 
pourtant affichée par son arrogant hôtel de ville et le culte laïc de Lazare Hoche.
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                <text>Histoire urbaine, n 9, 1, 2004-03-01, pp.79-96</text>
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                <text>Il dinamismo dello sviluppo dei "sistemi locali dell'alta tecnologia" dipende dall'interazione tra due serie di fattori che possono essere definiti come fattori di contesto e fattori di agenzia. Un altro tipo di approccio porta ad analizzare le relazioni tra il "sistema locale dell'alta tecnologia" - il termine è ancora da definire - e la società urbana in cui s'inserisce. La strutturazione della società urbana è il risultato di un processo storico di lunga (e corta) durata, un processo che crea, in ogni città (o piuttosto in ogni regione metropolitana) un contesto territoriale specifico che può essere definito come un'articolazione di risorse ambientali, umane, culturali, economiche, sociali e politiche. Questo contesto territoriale appare come un insieme di potenzialità (e di vincoli), che possono essere o non essere valorizzate (superati) dagli attori locali. Il "sistema locale di alta tecnologia" può essere percepito come un sistema di attori che, nel corso della storia, è all'origine di iniziative indirizzate ad attuare le potenzialità locali. La ricerca recente ha proposto numerosi concetti, come quelli di "milieu innovateur", di distretto tecnologico o di cluster, per caratterizzare tale sistema. Questa premessa analitica sarà utilizzata per descrivere il processo di trasformazione di una città industriale in uno dei principali poli scientifici e tecnologici di livello europeo. All'inizio del novecento, Grenoble, con meno di cento mila abitanti, è una città interclusa nelle Alpi con una specializzazione industriale. In un secolo, ha conosciuto delle riconversioni economiche, sino a diventare un centro di rilevo per l'elettronica, l'informatica, il software e le nanotecnologie.</text>
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                <text>Stato e mercato</text>
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                <text>VERSO LA CITTÀ DELL'INNOVAZIONE?</text>
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8 December 2010

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Andrew Harris</text>
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
The paper considers how contemporary cities are constructed, framed and understood through  vertical axes and dimensions. It charts upward trajectories in not only iconic high-rises, but in  vertical gardens, townships, slums and urban farms, and in modes and methods of urban  transport. The paper argues that these vertical manifestations and domains of urban life are not  simply a response to space constraints and land values but mark and make visible new forms of  social and political power, which disrupt notions of centre-periphery in traditional, flatter models  of the city. Although recognising the validity and relevance of highlighting and analysing spatial  dichotomies between vertical and horizontal urban worlds, the paper seeks to complicate such  binaries.  Drawing on recent research from Mumbai, the paper explores and identifies overlapping (or vertizontal) connections, practices and assemblages in three-dimensional city-making.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Andrew Harris &lt;/b&gt;is a Lecturer in Urban Studies and Geography at University College London.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
See also other lectures from this conference:&lt;/div&gt;
Flight from modernity - aerial photography and the emergence of a social conception of space&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
Vertigo: For a vertical turn in critical social science&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>vertical, espace urbain, architecture, sciences politiques, culture urbaine, gratte-ciel, souterrain, subterranean, Graham Steve </text>
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8 December 2010

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Steve Graham</text>
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
This wide-ranging, synthetical paper offers a cross-cuang view of a range of emerging research on the politics of verticality which appertain to contemporary urban spaces. Arguing that critical urban  social science has long neglected the vertical aspects of urban life, the paper seeks starting points  for a vertical turn within such research through engaging with recent research in architecture, political theory and cultural studies on the intersections of architecture and contemporary colonial  power, the profusion of skyscrapers and subterranean architectures, and the proliferation of vertically-organised sensors and targeting and imaging systems within security, military and  cultural circuits. These emerging developments are connected with earlier discourses on the  politics of vertical architecture, aeriality and the vertical view within urban studies, architecture,  cartography and geopolitics. The paper finishes with a reflection on the challenges of addressing  the politics of verticality and aeriality within critical urban social science.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Steve Graham &lt;/b&gt;is Professor of Cities and Society at the Global Urban Research Unit at Newcastle University.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
See also other lectures from this conference:&lt;/div&gt;
Flight from modernity - aerial photography and the emergence of a social conception of space&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
Vertical urbanism&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Presses universitaires de Limoges

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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par l'&amp;eacute;diteur :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Les villes et les villages de la Gaule romaine et des r&amp;eacute;gions voisines se situaient presque toujours au contact ou dans la proximit&amp;eacute; de l'eau : rivi&amp;egrave;re, fleuve, &amp;eacute;tang ou lac, plus rarement bordure de mer, et cette situation semble avoir d&amp;eacute;j&amp;agrave; exist&amp;eacute; ant&amp;eacute;rieurement. Les r&amp;eacute;sidences campagnardes et les &amp;eacute;tablissements agricoles qu'on appelait des villas recherchaient &amp;eacute;galement le voisinage de l'eau.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Les articles r&amp;eacute;unis dans ce volume cherchent &amp;agrave; analyser les motifs de cette attirance. Ils &amp;eacute;tudient aussi les cons&amp;eacute;quences de tels choix, conduisant &amp;agrave; implanter les agglom&amp;eacute;rations sur des terrasses alluviales ou sur des flancs de vall&amp;eacute;e, ce qui comportait des aspects positifs, mais cr&amp;eacute;ait aussi des difficult&amp;eacute;s, et a n&amp;eacute;cessit&amp;eacute; notamment la r&amp;eacute;alisation fr&amp;eacute;quente de remblais et de sout&amp;egrave;nements.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Plusieurs contributions examinent &amp;eacute;galement l'influence de la proximit&amp;eacute; des cours d'eau sur les trac&amp;eacute;s directeurs cadastraux et urbains, sur la disposition des espaces et des b&amp;acirc;timents, ainsi que sur les activit&amp;eacute;s humaines, sur les m&amp;eacute;moires et sur les esprits.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; Vico and Naples is an intellectual portrait of the Neapolitan philosopher Giambattista Vico (1668&amp;ndash;1744) that reveals the politics and motivations of one of Europe&amp;rsquo;s first scientists of society. According to the commonplaces of the literature on the Neapolitan, Vico was a solitary figure who, at a remove from the political life of his larger community, steeped himself in the recondite debates of classical scholarship to produce his magnum opus, the New Science. Barbara Ann Naddeo shows, however, that at the outset of his career Vico was deeply engaged in the often-tumultuous life of his great city and that his experiences of civic crises shaped his inquiry into the origins and development of human society.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; With its attention to Vico&amp;rsquo;s historical, rhetorical, and jurisprudential texts, this book recovers a Vico who was keenly attuned to the social changes transforming the political culture of his native city. He understood the crisis of the city&amp;rsquo;s corporate social order and described the new social groupings that would shape its future. In Naddeo&amp;rsquo;s pages, Vico comes alive as a prescient judge of his city and the political conundrum of Europe&amp;rsquo;s burgeoning metropolises. He was dedicated to the acknowledgment and juridical remedy of Naples&amp;rsquo; vexing social divisions and ills. Naddeo also presents biographical vignettes illuminating Vico&amp;rsquo;s role as a Professor of Rhetoric at the University of Naples and his bid for the prestigious Morning Chair of Civil Law, which foundered on the directives of the Habsburgs and the politics of his native city. Rich with period detail, this book is a compelling and vivid reconstruction of Vico&amp;rsquo;s life and times and of the origins of his powerful notion of the social.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Barbara Ann Naddeo &lt;/b&gt;is Associate Professor of History at CUNY : The City College of New York.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; </text>
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                <text>ORSTOM</text>
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            <name>Subject</name>
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                <text>MIGRATION</text>
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                <text>IMMIGRE</text>
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                <text>CENTRE URBAIN SECONDAIRE</text>
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                <text>URBANISATION</text>
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                <text>EXTENSION SPATIALE</text>
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                <text>OCCUPATION SPATIALE</text>
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                <text>STRATIFICATION SOCIALE</text>
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                <text>QUARTIER</text>
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                <text>ETHNIE</text>
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                <text>DENSITE DE POPULATION</text>
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                <text>STRUCTURE DE POPULATION</text>
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                <text>ETRANGER</text>
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                <text>ADAPTATION</text>
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                <text>CONDITIONS DE VIE</text>
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                <text>FONCTIONS URBAINES</text>
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                <text>PEUPLEMENT</text>
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                <text>ATTRACTION URBAINE</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
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                <text>Victoria-Bota : Croissance urbaine et immigration</text>
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              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                  <text>Archives ouvertes des études urbaines</text>
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                  <text>Collection of HAL papers</text>
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            <name>Creator</name>
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                <text>Rufat, Samuel</text>
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                <text>Ter Minassian, Hovig</text>
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                <text>Video games allow complex systems modelling, revealing retroaction loops, replicating self-organization and the emergence of hierarchical organization, functional differentiation and social segregation through multi-level interactions. Recent trends focus on improving modelling tools' graphic quality and interface attractiveness and on using video games to facilitate urban studies teaching and research. This apparent convergence between simulation and video games is addressed through a selection of strategy and city builder video games. Comparisons reveal that simulations and video games point to similar results:, they both allow the simulation of complex urban processes, like hierarchical urban networks or urban segregation. Games even seem to allow going one step further, being often more comprehensive simulations. However, the main limitation of video games emerges from their didactic power: video games and simulation software implement rules and models in almost opposite means. Games induce players to learn the model but not to challenge or to produce new knowledge.</text>
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                <text>http://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00851470</text>
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                <text>http://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/85/14/70/PDF/Videogames_and_simulation_Cybergeo_corr_v2.pdf</text>
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                <text>ENG</text>
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                <text>Cybergeo</text>
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                <text>ISSN:1278-3366</text>
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                <text>[SHS:GEO] Humanities and Social Sciences/Geography</text>
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                <text>simulation</text>
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                <text>representation</text>
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                <text>modelling</text>
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                <text>self-organisation</text>
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                <text>emergence</text>
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                <text>video games</text>
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                <text>models</text>
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                <text>urban studies</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>Video games and urban simulation: new tools or new tricks?</text>
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