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Institute of Urban and Regional Development (IURD), UC Berkeley

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                <text>Full title : The future of shrinking cities : Problems, patterns and strategies of urban transformation in a global context&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
This publication is the outcome of a symposium held at UC Berkeley in February 2007, organized by the Center for Global Metropolitan Studies at the Institute of Urban and Regional Development, UC Berkeley. It brought together urban and regional planners, architects, engineers, developers, artists, and academics to examine the perspectives of a largely underrepresented topic: shrinking cities.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The Future of Shrinking Cities: Problems, Patterns, and Strategies of Urban Transformation in a Global Context presents research carried out under the aegis of the Shrinking Cities International Research Network (SCiRN) and &amp;ndash; in addition &amp;ndash; selected case studies from the United States. The purpose of the publication is to encourage and inform discussion to improve the quality of life in shrinking cities. The authors identify and examine critical projects and issues in shrinking cities and present lessons learned from relevant projects and experiences in the US and abroad. The comparative approach to shrinking cities, incorporating a wide range of case studies in order to widen the debate, is both unique and innovative.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The shrinking city phenomenon is a multidimensional process, comprising cities, parts of cities, or entire metropolitan areas that have experienced dramatic decline in their economic and social bases. Thus, urban shrinkage is often a challenge on the wide scale of metropolitan regions and requires policy-makers to redefine traditional paths of regional governance. Urban decline and the loss of employment opportunities are closely linked in a downward spiral, leading to an out-migration of population.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The joint work places shrinking cities in a global perspective, setting the context for in-depth comparisons of selected cities considering specific social, economic, environmental, cultural, and land-use issues. Especially in the United States, planning practice is to a large extent concentrated on either managing urban growth or tackling redevelopment in a fragmented &amp;ndash; not a regional &amp;ndash; way, despite the fact that in many metropolitan regions urban shrinkage reaches beyond individual cities. In this regard, the papers will help initiate a redefinition of regional governance in the U.S. and also in the other participating countries via comparative research on shrinking cities.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Introduction - Karina Pallagst and Jasmin Aber&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
I What are the Problems of Shrinking Cities? Lessons Learned from an International Comparison :&lt;br /&gt;
Thorsten Wiechmann - Conversion Strategies under Uncertainty in Post-Socialist Shrinking Cities:  The Example of Dresden in Eastern Germany&lt;br /&gt;
Emmanu&amp;egrave;le Cunningham-Sabot and Sylvie Fol - Shrinking Cities in France and Great Britain: A Silent Process?&lt;br /&gt;
Cristina Martinez-Fernandez and Chung-Tong Wu - Shrinking Cities: A Global Overview and Concerns about Australian Mining Cities Cases&lt;br /&gt;
Hans Harms - Changes on the Waterfront - Transforming Harbor Areas&lt;br /&gt;
Sergio Moraes - Inequality and Urban Shrinkage - a Close Relationship in Latin America&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
II Kicking Off the Shrinking Cities Debate in North America :&lt;br /&gt;
Robert Beauregard - Shrinking Cities in the United States in Historical Perspective: A Research Note&lt;br /&gt;
Ivonne Audirac - Urban Shrinkage and Fast Metropolitan Growth (Two Faces of Contemporary &lt;br /&gt;
Urbanism)&lt;br /&gt;
Karina Pallagst - Shrinking Cities in the United States of America: Three Cases, Three Planning Stories&lt;br /&gt;
David Leadbeater - Single-industry Resource Communities, &amp;ldquo;Shrinking,&amp;rdquo; and the New Crisis of &lt;br /&gt;
Hinterland Economic Development&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
III Creative Approaches of Revitalizing Shrinking Cities :&lt;br /&gt;
Helen Mulligan - Environmental Policy Action: Comparative Importance in Differing Categories of Shrinking City&lt;br /&gt;
Jasmin Aber - The Creative Imperative in a Postindustrial Economy to Foster a More Sustainable Development in Shrinking Cities&lt;br /&gt;
Jose Vargas - Cerro de San Pedro: Grassroots Movements in Cooperation and Conflict to Stop a Living Community from Disappearing&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
IV Planning and Policy-Making for Shrinking Cities : &lt;br /&gt;
Rollin Stanley - e = m c2   The Relative City&lt;br /&gt;
Teresa Gillotti and Daniel Kildee - Land Banks as Revitalization Tools: The Example of Genesee County and the City of Flint, Michigan&lt;br /&gt;
Joseph Schilling - Blueprint Buffalo&amp;mdash;Using Green Infrastructure to Reclaim America&amp;rsquo;s Shrinking Cities&lt;br /&gt;
Gabi Troeger-Wei&amp;szlig; and Hans-J&amp;ouml;rg Domhardt - Germany&amp;rsquo;s Shrinkage on a Small Town Scale&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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OECD

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                <text>&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
At a time of increasing globalisation processes, the search for competitiveness in urban regions has become a major political target for both local and central governments. The importance of the cities and their metropolitan areas in the national economy and their major role as global nodes in the international market is increasing the attention which they are receiving. There is a general feeling, shared by both national and local governmental representatives that the current approach to urban policies is not the correct one to face the new challenges which large cities, in a context of increasing global competitiveness, have to deal with today.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In short, in OECD member countries, there is an increasing acknowledgment of the importance of policies that address specific urban issues. It is not only a matter of corrective measures, directed towards the solving of traditional urban problems, such as urban uncontrolled expansion, degradation of punctual districts, due to the concentration of environmental and social problems, but also the need to tackle proactive actions to encourage competitiveness and attractiveness. The goal of the conference was to engage a wide number of those interested, including city leaders and representatives of both regional and central governments, to widen the approach with which they envisage urban policies. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
More specifically, the conference was organised along the following two lines:&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
How can the presence of the cities be made stronger in the context of &amp;ldquo;implicit urban policies&amp;rdquo; (not specifically urban), which strongly affect the standards of urban development, but which rarely take into consideration its necessary space implications?&lt;br /&gt;
If one agrees that a strong and effective urban policy, able to allow the cities to successfully face the globalisation processes, cannot be the exclusive competence of national or regional governments, which new and more flexible intergovernmental joint actions are needed?&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
OECD International Conference: &amp;ldquo;What Policies for Globalising Cities?  Rethinking the Urban Policy Agenda&amp;quot;  29-30 March 2007- Madrid, Spain&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Summary Record&lt;br /&gt;
Annex 1. Agenda of the Conference&lt;br /&gt;
Annex 2. Summary Records of the Session&lt;br /&gt;
Annex 3. Speeches from the OECD Secretary General at the Opening and the Closing Ceremonies&lt;br /&gt;
Annex 4. Proceedings of the Conference&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Introductory Paper from Ruiz Gallardon, Mayor of Madrid&lt;br /&gt;
A/ Globalisation, Spatial Economic Change and Urban Policy&lt;br /&gt;
B/ A Spatial Framework for Urban Policy: New Directions, New Challenges&lt;br /&gt;
C/ The Repositioning of Cities and Urban Regions in a Global Economy: Pushing Policy and Governance Options&lt;br /&gt;
D/ Building Successful Cities in the Knowledge Economy: The Role of &amp;lsquo;Soft Policy&amp;rsquo; Instruments&lt;br /&gt;
E/ &amp;ldquo;Hard&amp;rdquo; Policy Instruments and Urban Development&lt;br /&gt;
F/ The Resurgent City: Economy, Society, and Urbanisation in an Interconnected World&lt;br /&gt;
G/ Governing Globalising Cities, Reshaping Urban Policies&lt;br /&gt;
H/ Cities and Climate Change&lt;br /&gt;
Appendix - Figures: part 1, part 2, part 3&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Megacities Foundation

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                <text>&lt;b&gt;Extract from the Introduction by Steef Buijs : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
A handful of megacity regions in the advanced and advancing economies, as clusters of large and overlapping daily urban systems are the prime powerhouses and central nodes of the world network economy. These regions, from the US North East, the Euro delta in Europe (including the Randstad, Belgium&amp;rsquo;s large cities and the Ruhr Area) to the Pearl River Delta, face not only complicated economic challenges but also demographic and natural challenges that clearly demand strategic planning and development at the scale of the megacity region. The international congress organized by the Dutch Megacity Foundation at the Faculty of Architecture at Delft University of Technology in November 2008, addressed these various challenges. how can planning at the scale of the Megacity cope with the challenges within, and tensions between, the realms of people, planet &amp;amp; profit? is there potential for (more) synergy between these three realms at the megacity scale, and how can planning help in realizing this potential? These are the central questions to be addressed, whereby the perspective will move from profit to planet to people and finally food, as a topic of special interest in the present situation.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Introduction :&lt;/div&gt;
Steef Buijs - Towards the megacities solution&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Megacities lectures :&lt;/div&gt;
Adriaan Geuze - The necessity of melting polar ice&lt;/div&gt;
Edward Soja - Regional urbanization and the future of megacities&lt;/div&gt;
Erik Swyndedouw - City of polis? Profitable politics... or the end of the political&lt;/div&gt;
John Thackara - Low entropy urbanism&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Contributions :&lt;/div&gt;
Arjen van Susteren - Metropolitan regions&lt;/div&gt;
Marisa Carmona - Planning through projects : Moving from Master Planning to Strategic Planning in 30 cities&lt;/div&gt;
Iain Reid - Design-led urban regeneration for the benefit of all : Avoiding gentrification and creative inclusive places&lt;/div&gt;
Luo Ji - From family rental houses to low-rent houses - the research on urban village renewal based on renting&lt;/div&gt;
Frank Helten - Casablanca 2.0 : A laboratory for rurbanism?&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Co-report :&lt;/div&gt;
Peter Smeets - The perspective of metropolitan agriculture&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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April 2011 (updated version)

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The World Bank

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                <text>&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
For millions of people around the world, violence, or the fear of violence, is a daily reality. Much of this violence concentrates in urban centers in the developing world. Cities are now home to half the world's population and expected to absorb almost all new population growth over the next 25 years. In many cases, the scale of urban violence can eclipse those of open warfare; some of the world's highest homicide rates occur in countries that have not undergone a war, but that have serious epidemics of violence in urban areas. This study emerged out of a growing recognition that urban communities themselves are an integral part of understanding the causes and impacts of urban violence and of generating sustainable violence prevention initiatives.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The study used a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods to understand how urban residents experience and cope with high levels of violence every day, and to develop strategic orientations for how to better support existing initiatives. The study found a variety of coping mechanisms, most of which were individual-level strategies to avoid victimization such as staying at home more, changing routes to school or work, or simply &amp;quot;doing nothing.&amp;quot; Many strategies actually undermine long-term prevention, including strategies like joining a vigilante group or militia, or using other extra-legal forms of justice. Recommendations from the study focus on creating the basic conditions that urban communities need to be able to come together collectively to address violence, from upgrading basic infrastructure, to better harnessing the energies of youth and increasing coordination across levels and sectors of government and civil society.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Neal R. Peirce
Curtis W. Johnson
Farley M. Peters

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2009

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Rockefeller Foundation

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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
One in every ten people lived in urban areas a century ago. Now, for the first time ever, most people live in cities. By 2050, the United Nations projects, almost three-quarters of the world's population will call urban areas home. The majority of this growth is centered in struggling, developing countries of the Global South, but cities in developed (or Global North) countries face increasingly complex challenges as well.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Around the world, unplanned urban expansion is multiplying slums, overburdening housing, transportation and infrastructure systems, stifling economic growth, and leaving millions vulnerable to new environmental and health threats.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
To help manage and plan for this accelerating urbanization, the Rockefeller Foundation convened an exceptional group of urbanists--leading policy makers and government officials, finance experts, urban researchers, members of civil society organizations, and other innovators--for a Global Urban Summit at the Rockefeller Foundation Bellagio Center. This book shares their diverse perspectives, creative approaches, and urgent agenda for harnessing the vast opportunities of urbanization for a better world.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Neal R. Peirce &lt;/b&gt;is a journalist and the author of such books as &lt;i&gt;The book of America : Inside 50 states today &lt;/i&gt;(1983).&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Curtis W. Johnson &lt;/b&gt;is a public servant and analyst and the co-author of books including &lt;i&gt;Disrupting Class &lt;/i&gt;(2008).&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Farley M. Peters &lt;/b&gt;is Manager and Vice-President of The Citistates Group.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;NB : &lt;/b&gt;The freely-available online version is text-only (i.e. without photographic images). The full print version with images may be ordered free of charge from the Rockefeller Foundation.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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This paper specifically describes the urbanization experience of Brazil, by far the largest country in Latin America, and which has attained levels of urbanization that surpass those of most European countries. Despite historical differences in timing and context, the trajectory of urbanization in Brazil holds many parallels and key lessons for other countries that are currently undergoing rapid urban growth. Reflections based on this narrative, including both the account of failed policies of the past and the innovative but partly proven policies of the present, could help policymakers in countries facing similar challenges deal more successfully with their own urban transitions.&lt;br /&gt;
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The intention of this study is to provide the basis for such reflections with a broad-based case study of urban growth and urbanization in Brazil that will situate this process within the trajectory of the country&amp;rsquo;s overall development pathway. By improving the understanding of trends and patterns, and their relation to other social, economic, political and demographic processes, this study provides insights into policy options likely to be relevant to countries still in the midst of their own urban transitions. &lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;b&gt;George Martine &lt;/b&gt;is President of the Brazilian Association for Population Studies and a Consultant at the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Gordon McGranahan &lt;/b&gt;is head of the Human Settlements Group and team leader on urbanization at the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED).&lt;/div&gt;
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Inter-American Development Bank
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Published by the Institutional Capacity and Finance Sector of the Inter-American Development Bank and the Cities Alliance, this publication documents the evolution of settlement upgrading programmes both in theory and practice and describes the most critical challenges in improving the quality of life of the settlements&amp;rsquo; inhabitants.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Seven chapters each address a theme, presenting current knowledge on the theme, challenges, and successful experiences in confronting these challenges. Among the volume&amp;rsquo;s overarching recommendations is a call for the expansion of the scale of the interventions so that the more than 100 million poor people living in cities of the Latin America Caribbean (LAC) region may see marked improvements in their quality of life within a reasonable time span.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;b&gt;Eduardo Rojas &lt;/b&gt;is Principal Housing and Urban Development Specialist in the Inter-American Development Bank's Sustainable Development Department.&lt;/div&gt;
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2009

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Amsterdam University Press

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                <text>&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Over the centuries, people from all parts of the world have been drawn to the city of Amsterdam. While immigrants adapted to local customs, opportunities and constraints, their practices and habits have left indelible marks on their adopted city. This fascinating volume Ethnic Amsterdam: Immigrants and Urban Change in the Twentieth Century explores how twentieth-century immigrants - in bringing with them their religions, languages, cuisines, sports, and other material and immaterial aspects of their native countries - have transformed Amsterdam into a cosmopolitan city.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Preface&lt;/div&gt;
Liza Nell and Jan Rath - Am I Amsterdam? Immigrant integration and urban change&lt;/div&gt;
Thaddeus M&amp;uuml;ller - Ethnic groups in Amsterdam's public spaces&lt;/div&gt;
Anneke H. van Otterloo - Eating out 'ethnic' in Amsterdam from the 1920s to the present&lt;/div&gt;
Hilje van der Horst - Living Amsterdam : Tangible homes behind Amsterdam's facades&lt;/div&gt;
Hans van Amersfoort and Cees Cortie - Housing and population : Spatial mobility in twentieth-century Amsterdam&lt;/div&gt;
Christine Delhaye - Towards cultural diversity in Amsterdam's arts&lt;/div&gt;
Folkert Kuiken - Multilingual Amsterdam&lt;/div&gt;
Floris Vermeulen and Anja van Heelsum - Immigrant organisations in Amsterdam&lt;/div&gt;
Thijl Sunier - Houses of worship and the politics of space in Amsterdam&lt;/div&gt;
Ruud Stokvis - The integration of migrants into the Amsterdam sport pattern&lt;/div&gt;
Liza Nell and Jan Rath - Social boundaries in movement&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Liza Nell &lt;/b&gt;is Lecturer in the Institute of Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology at Leiden University.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Jan Rath &lt;/b&gt;is Professor of Urban Sociology and Director of the Institute for Ethnic and Migration Studies at the University of Amsterdam.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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John D. Fairfield

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1993

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The Ohio State University Press

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                <text>&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the &lt;a target="_blank" href="http://www.ohiostatepress.org/index.htm?/books/book%20pages/fairfield%20mysteries.htm"&gt;publisher&lt;/a&gt;:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
The Mysteries of the Great City examines the physical, cultural, and political transformations of the American city between the Gilded Age and the New Deal. Focusing on New York, Chicago, and Cincinnati, John Fairfield demonstrates that these transformations before and after the advent of city planning were the result of political decisions influenced by corporate and private wealth.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The expansion and reorganization of the great city stood out as the most visible symbol of the transformation. The new metropolitan form, with its skyscraping business center, industrial satellites, crowded working-class neighborhoods, and exclusive suburbs, embodied an emerging corporate order. But the metropolis also disguised the new order and gave it an apparent physical implacability and inevitability that obscured the role of choice in its creation and therefore placed it beyond criticism. Fairfield unravels the mysteries of the new form to reveal the centrality of power and politics in urban design.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
While acknowledging that a great many factors shaped urban development, Fairfield underscores the decisive role of human design. He argues that American cities, both before and after the advent of professional planning have always been in some measure &amp;ldquo;planned.&amp;rdquo; Discussing such figures as Frederick Law Olmsted, Henry George, Daniel Burnham, Frederic Howe, Edward Bassett, Robert E. Park, and Louis Wirth, Fairfield illuminates the political and intellectual conflicts among advocates of alternative paths of urban development.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The Mysteries of the Great City will enlighten all readers interested in the development of cities, particularly urban historians and planners. In pointing to the Guilded Age as a period of great possibilities of progressive reform, this study will also reward readers interested in the historical foundations of our modern society.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Introduction&lt;/div&gt;
1. An urban republic: Frederick Olmstead, Henry George, and the city building debate&lt;/div&gt;
2. The political economy of suburbanization and the politics of space&lt;/div&gt;
3. From rapid transit to city planning: Social efficiency and the new urban discipline&lt;/div&gt;
4. The professionalization of city planning and the scientific management of urban space&lt;/div&gt;
5. An urban sociology: Robert E. Park and the realistic tradition&lt;/div&gt;
6. The alienation of social control: The Chicago sociologists and the origins of urban planning&lt;/div&gt;
7. Urbanism as a way of life: The paradox of professional planning&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;John D. Fairfield&lt;/b&gt; is associate professor of history at Xavier University and is the author of several articles on urban design and history.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Alan I. Marcus

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1991

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The Ohio State University Press

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                <text>&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Alan Marcus's &lt;i&gt;Plague of Strangers &lt;/i&gt;examines the origins and development of municipal services in mid-nineteenth century cities from a political, social, and public health point of view. Using Cincinnati as an example of a national trend, Marcus argues that cities developed police, fire, health, relief, and city development services and regulations in reaction to what they perceived as a new threat from &amp;quot;strangers&amp;quot; - immigrants and others not versed in American urban ways who were invading their cities during the 1830s and 1840s.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
By the mid-nineteenth century, according to Marcus, most Americans had acknowledged that their cities contained social divisions, or subpopulations, and that these diverse people differed only by behavior and could therefore be taught the &amp;quot;right&amp;quot; way to act. This task fell to benevolent organizations. City government emerged as the mechanism to prevent the uneducated and ill-educated from wreaking havoc on themselves and other city residents as behavioral modification progressed.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Disputes between cities and states marred acceptance of this municipal role, as did recurring skirmishes among entrenched constituencies, such as doctors. And while mid-nineteenth century city governments established similar agencies at the same time, it wasn't until after the Civil War that American city-dwellers recognized the fundamental commonality in the urban environment. It was that realization, according to Marcus, that provided an urban culture and caused private and municipal efforts to come together to start the urban planning movement.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
Serving the American public&lt;/div&gt;
From individual to group&lt;/div&gt;
Fighting the plague&lt;/div&gt;
Coming apart&lt;/div&gt;
Medical complications&lt;/div&gt;
Creating a new agency: The Department of Health&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Alan I. Marcu&lt;/b&gt;&lt;b&gt;s &lt;/b&gt;is Professor of History and Director of the Center for Historical Studies of Technology and Science at Iowa State University.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Ann Durkin Keating

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1988

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                <text>&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
The suburban subdivision, replete with identical houses, lawns, and families, is a familiar icon of contemporary American culture. Equally familiar are suburban governments, which many critics describe as providers of exclusive havens from urban problems. &lt;i&gt;Building Chicago &lt;/i&gt;examines the evolution of both the suburbs themselves and their governments, using Cook County, Illinois - which includes Chicago and its immediate ring of suburbs - as a case study. It argues that suburban government evolved to meet the demands of residents and real estate developers for services and amenities.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Until the 1860s, only two kinds of local government were available to Chiacgo area residents: the chartered urban form and the rural county/township organization. But by the first years of the twentieth century, the Chicago city center was ringed by dozens of suburban incorporated villages. Professor Keating's study explores these dramatic changes and the choices that led to this ring pattern now familiar in so many metropolitan areas. While the particulars are specific to Chiacgo, there are clear connections to other cities in the same period.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
No previous study has systematically examined the evolution of suburban government; it has simply been accepted as a given form rather than an independent variable. &lt;i&gt;Building Chicago &lt;/i&gt;examines the dynamic development of suburban forms of government as part of the larger city building process, arguing that suburban government is distinguished not so much by form as by constituency, which was determined by the settlement patterns of a region.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
In particular, transportation advances and the introduction of new integrated infrastructure systems to provide running water, indoor plumbing, and lighting transformed urban living in the nineteenth century. These services were initially available only in the centers of major urban areas, where they were introduced to protect the health and safety of residents. However, their amenity value surfaced quickly, and developers used such services to attract residents to their subdivisions on the outskirts of the city. The differing economic requirements needed to find homes in communities with differing amenities created individual suburbs with homogenous populations and provided the early constituency for distinctive suburban forms of government.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
The physical sorting of constituents into homogenous subdivisions was critical to the patterns that developed. This segregation has had a profound effect on cities up to the present day, sorting residents into a divided metropolis. Professor Keating's study reveals the impact of suburban development on Chicago and on urban life and government throughout America.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
Introduction&lt;/div&gt;
Patterns of settlement&lt;/div&gt;
The expansion of city government&lt;/div&gt;
Technological change and Chicago homes&lt;/div&gt;
The best of both worlds&lt;/div&gt;
Local government responds to suburbanization&lt;/div&gt;
Suburban government and annexation&lt;/div&gt;
The suburb arrived&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Ann Durkin Keating &lt;/b&gt;is Professor and Chairperson of History at North Central College, Illinois.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; Larry Bennett's &lt;i&gt;Fragments of Cities: The New American Downtowns and Neighborhoods&lt;/i&gt; examines the social consequences of both the new approaches to downtown design and the physical upgrading of residential neighborhoods.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; Bennett draws upon lively case studies - ranging from Detroit's Renaissance Center to New York City's SoHo to Chicago's Wrigley Field - to relate physical redevelopment and urban social life. He demonstrates that a small, well-located delicatessen can bring people together while clusters of multi-million-dollar office centers in renovated downtowns can drive them apart.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; Bennett's evaluation of contemporary urban rebuilding, which is unique in giving equal attention to the political, economic, and social impact of urban design and rebuilding, is frequently pessimistic. He finds that the gentrification of many big-city neighborhoods and the design strategies chracterizing new downtowns do little to promote street life, unplanned social encounters, or public life in general. Bennett also contends some advocates and practitioners of the much-praised neighborhood movement have chosen isolation and local security as their primary goals, thus echoing in their concerns the physical plans developed by urban designers. In contrast, Bennett argues, both groups should embrace a vision that encompasses the entire city, or they will risk losing some of the best things cities encourage - surprise, tolerance, innovation, and democratic participation.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; Bennett does find cause for optimism in the designs of some particularly innovative architects and planners, and he praises the broadening initiatives taken by many residents acting independently to give life to their cities. American cities face a crossroads, he says, and must choose between becoming genuine communities or a series of isolated zones.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; 1. The new American city&lt;/div&gt; 2. The downtown renaissance&lt;/div&gt; 3. Neighborhood or enclave?&lt;/div&gt; 4. Three visions of the prospective American city&lt;/div&gt; 5. The environmental politics of neighborhood&lt;/div&gt; 6. The future of the new American city&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Larry Bennett &lt;/b&gt;is Associate Professor of Political Science at DePaul University.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; </text>
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Robert B. Fairbanks

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1998

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The Ohio State University Press

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                <text>&lt;b&gt;Extract from the Introduction:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
I am interested in &amp;quot;using&amp;quot; Dallas to understand better the changing nature of politics and planning in urban America during the twentieth century. Dallas is hardly typical of all cities, but it is closely tied to dominant business leadership and the &amp;quot;good government&amp;quot; and planning movements characteristic of that era. Southern and western cities often enthusiastically and selectively embraced aspects of both these movements as strategies to help them develop still faster. Dallas also participated in the larger public discourse about cities characteristic of the time...&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
This book stems from my interest in understanding how changing conceptions of the city - what it was or could be - related to different urban policies and programs over time. Although the literature of urban history has expanded at an impressive rate in recent decades, much of it has centered on issues of race, class, and gender in explaining the development of the city. Historians also pay special attention to the role of social forces in shaping urban development, as well as their influences on the thoughts and actions of the historical actors. These are all valuable contributions, but such efforts have largely discouraged scholars from investigating the city from a more humanistic appraoch, emphasizing not social forces but uman perception. Studies examining the development of urban policy have stressed the importance of real events in shaping responses and have neglected to investigate the relationship between the perception of reality that city builders brought to the city and its problems and the actual response to those urban problems. Little effort has been made to examine the writings of city builders or the structure of their organizations in order to understand their basic assumptions about the nature of the city...&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;i&gt;For the City as a Whole&lt;/i&gt;, then, is an attempt to understand the actions of urban problem solvers by linking their definition of and responses to those problems to their perception of what the city was or could become.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Introduction&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
I. The first City-as-a-Whole strategy: Dallas at the turn of the century&lt;/div&gt;
1. Managing the city&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
II. Dallas during the second City-as-a-Whole era&lt;/div&gt;
2. Rethinking planning and governing in the 1920s&lt;/div&gt;
3. The CCA in control: The Edy years, 1931-1935&lt;/div&gt;
4. The defeat of the CCA and the victory of council-manager government&lt;/div&gt;
5. Dallas business leadership, planning, and World War II&lt;/div&gt;
6. Responding to urban problems: Limitations of the City-as-a-Whole strategy&lt;/div&gt;
7. Politics, leadership, and the public interest in an era of rapid growth, 1945-1955&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
III. The new provincialism: From city as system to city as setting&lt;/div&gt;
8. The decline of the City-as-a-Whole strategy&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Epilogue&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Robert B. Fairbanks &lt;/b&gt;is a Professor and Chairperson in the Department of History at The University of Texas Arlington.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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David Hamer

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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
In the United States, an ambitious attempt has been made over the last quarter of a century to achieve historic preservation on a scale far greater than would have been possible through the saving of structures one by one. Preservation is now sought and managed to a large extent through the designation of &amp;quot;historic districts&amp;quot;... As the number of historic districts has increased and they have assumed a conspicuous place in the urban landscape, they have received the attention of preservationists and planners. But there has not as yet been an analysis of their significance from an urban historian's point of view - even though most historic disticts are parts of towns or cities and their existence is touted in publicity releases as an oppotunity to &amp;quot;step back in time', to see what towns or neighborhoods were &amp;quot;really&amp;quot; like in the past. Historic districts are, and should be studies as, examples of applied urban history... One of the aims of this book is to draw the attention of urban historians to some of the implications of the development of historic districts. But it is intended too to have a broader appeal and to provide a historical context for those many Americans who in one way or another have become involved in the phenomenon  - whether as residents of historic districts, members of preservation commissions, or tourists who visit the districts.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Preface&lt;/div&gt;
1. Development of the concept of the historic district&lt;/div&gt;
2. The urban history in historic districts&lt;/div&gt;
3. Places apart&lt;/div&gt;
4. The history that is and is not represented in historic districts&lt;/div&gt;
5. Selecting history&lt;/div&gt;
6. A new format and strategy for historic preservation&lt;/div&gt;
7. Thirty years on: Do historic districts have a future?&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
The late &lt;b&gt;David Allan Hamer &lt;/b&gt;was a historian who taught at the University of Lancaster, the University of Auckland, and Victoria University of Wellington, where he served as Chair of the Department of History, Dean of Arts and Assistant Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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R. Bruce Stephenson

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1997

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                <text>&lt;b&gt;Extract from the Introduction:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
This book examines the efforts of planners and their advocates to harmonize city building and environmental protection. Despite its geriatric image, St. Petersburg is a young city, the product of America's amazing twentieth-century prosperity. The city has grown in concert with efforts to impose a rational order on society. Since the 1890s planners have combined utopian visions with regulatory techniques to channel development into desired urban forms. Their plans, however, have often generated more conflict than consensus.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Preface&lt;/div&gt;
Introduction: City planning in Eden&lt;/div&gt;
1. William Straub's crusade for beauty&lt;/div&gt;
2. A laboratory for urban planning?&lt;/div&gt;
3. &lt;i&gt;St. Petersburg today, St. Petersburg tomorrow&lt;/i&gt;: A model plan for the modern city&lt;/div&gt;
4. To sell or to plan paradise?&lt;/div&gt;
5. The end of a dream, the institution of planning&lt;/div&gt;
6. The Bartholomew Plan: A formula for efficiency&lt;/div&gt;
7. Beyond limits: The death of Boca Ciega Bay&lt;/div&gt;
8. Establishing limits: The &amp;quot;quiet revolution&amp;quot;&lt;/div&gt;
9. Recycling Eden: Planning for the next century&lt;/div&gt;
Epilogue: The Nolen renaissance&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;R. Bruce Stephenson &lt;/b&gt;is Professor of Environmental Studies, Director of the Environmental Studies/Growth Management Program, Hamilton Holt Program and Director of the Masters of Planning for Civic Urbanism, Hamilton Holt Program at Rollins College, Florida.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Klaus J. Beckmann
Tilman Bracher
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
The focus of this issue of the DfK is on spatial mobility in the context of social inequity. The articles consider different aspects of the subject. Various social groups are examined that have hitherto been outside the mainstream of urban and transport research; and certain urban problems or sub-areas are investigated that have so far not been given due consideration in their significance for mobility and transport.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Klaus J. Beckmann,  Tilman Bracher and Markus Hesse - Editorial: Urban mobility and social inequity&lt;/div&gt;
Klaus J. Beckmann,  Tilman Bracher and Markus Hesse - Mobility and deprived urban neighbourhoods in the focus of integrated urban development policy&lt;/div&gt;
Gerhard Steinebach and Martin Rumberg - Socially selective traffic nuisance in neighbourhoods&lt;/div&gt;
Markus Hesse and Joachim Scheiner - Suburban areas - problem neighbourhoods of the future?&lt;/div&gt;
Bastian Chlond and Peter Ottmann - The mobility behaviour of single parents and their activities outside the home&lt;/div&gt;
Birgit Kasper, Ulrike Reutter and Steffi Schubert - Transport behaviour among immigrants - an equation with many unknowns&lt;/div&gt;
Lucas Harms - Mobility among ethnic minorities in the urban Netherlands&lt;/div&gt;
Eva Kail and Elisabeth Irschik - Strategies for action in neighbourhood mobility design in Vienna - gender mainstreaming pilot district Mariahilf&lt;/div&gt;
Rauf Ceylan - Immigration and socio-spatial segregation - opportunities and risks of ethnic self-organisation&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Klaus J. Beckmann &lt;/b&gt;is Director of the German Institute of Urban Affairs.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Tilman Bracher &lt;/b&gt;is Coordinator of the environment and transport working group at the German Institute of Urban Affairs.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Markus Hesse &lt;/b&gt;is Professor of urban studies at the University of Luxembourg.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
The scope of The London Journal is broad, embracing all aspects of metropolitan society past and present, including comparative studies. The Journal is multi-disciplinary and is intended to interest all concerned with the understanding and enrichment of London and Londoners: historians, geographers, economists, sociologists, social workers, political scientists, planners, educationalist, archaeologists, conservationists, architects, and all those taking an interest in the fine and performing arts, the natural environment and in commentaries on metropolitan life in fiction as in fact.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Pam Fisher - Houses for the dead: The provision of mortuaries in London, 1843-1889&lt;/div&gt;
Kevin Hey - Regulating London's bus services 1919-1924: A reappraisal&lt;/div&gt;
Simon Pepper and Peter Richmond - Stepney and the politics of high-rise housing: Limehouse Fields to John Scurr House, 1925-1937&lt;/div&gt;
Johan Andersson - East End localism and urban decay: Shoreditch's re-emerging gay scene&lt;/div&gt;
Book reviews&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;UN-HABITAT

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UN-HABITAT&amp;rsquo;s new Cities and Citizens series examines urban inequality in the developing world through in-depth analysis of intracity data developed by UN-HABITAT and its partner institutions and on-the-ground interviews, insights and images. S&amp;atilde;o Paulo: A Tale of Two Cities launches the series, providing a close look at this vast megacity of internal contradictions and complexities. S&amp;atilde;o Paulo has emerged as the economic powerhouse of Brazil, making huge advances in its socioeconomic and political sectors while remaining beset by inequalities and gaps in distributive justice. &lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Introduction: Understanding urban dynamics inside cities&lt;/div&gt;
1. The dynamics of division&lt;/div&gt;
2. Urbanising Sao Paulo&lt;/div&gt;
3. Division through exclusion&lt;/div&gt;
4. A tale of two cities&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Despite the rapid creation of jobs in the greater Atlanta region, poverty in the city itself remains surprisingly high, and Atlanta's economic boom has yet to play a significant role in narrowing the gap between the suburban rich and the city poor. This book investigates the key factors underlying this paradox.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The authors show that the legacy of past residential segregation as well as the more recent phenomenon of urban sprawl both work against inner city blacks. Many remain concentrated near traditional black neighborhoods south of the city center and face prohibitive commuting distances now that jobs have migrated to outlying northern suburbs.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The book also presents some promising signs. Few whites still hold overt negative stereotypes of blacks, and both whites and blacks would prefer to live in more integrated neighborhoods. The emergence of a dynamic, black middle class and the success of many black-owned businesses in the area also give the authors reason to hope that racial inequality will not remain entrenched in a city where so much else has changed.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
David L. Sjoquist - The Atlanta paradox: Introduction&lt;/div&gt;
Truman A. Hartshorn and Keith R. Ihlanfeldt - Growth and change in metropolitan Atlanta&lt;/div&gt;
Ronald H. Bayor - Atlanta: The historical paradox&lt;/div&gt;
Obie Clayton Jr., Christopher R. Geller, Sahadeo Patram, Travis Patton and David L. Sjoquist - Racial attitudes and perceptions in Atlanta&lt;/div&gt;
Mark A. Thompson - Black-white residential segregation in Atlanta&lt;/div&gt;
Keith R. Ihlanfeldt and David L. Sjoquist - The geographic mismatch between jobs and housing&lt;/div&gt;
Keith R. Ihlanfeldt and David L. Sjoquist - Earnings inequality&lt;/div&gt;
Irene Browne and Leann M. Tigges - The intersection of gender and race in Atlanta's labor market&lt;/div&gt;
Cynthia Lucas Hewitt - Job segregation, ethnic hegemony, and earnings inequality&lt;/div&gt;
Nikki McIntyre Finlay - Finding work in Atlanta: Is there an optimal strategy for disadvantaged job seekers?&lt;/div&gt;
Gray Paul Green, Roger B. Hammer and Leann M. Tigges - &amp;quot;Someone to count on&amp;quot;: Informal support&lt;/div&gt;
David L. Sjoquist - Urban inequality in Atlanta: Policy options&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;David L. Sjoquist &lt;/b&gt;is Professor of Economics in the Andrew Young School of Policy Studies at Georgia State University.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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