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                <text>Art brut, architectures marginales. Un art du bricolage</text>
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                <text>, architecture, art brut, autoconstruction, marginalité</text>
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Marielle Magliozzi</text>
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Juin 2008

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L'Harmattan

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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation de l'&amp;eacute;diteur :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
C'est en 1945 que Jean Dubuffet amorce un travail de prospection d'&amp;oelig;uvres &amp;eacute;trang&amp;egrave;res &amp;agrave; l'art officiel, jusqu'alors insoup&amp;ccedil;onn&amp;eacute;es.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Il les rassemblera en 1948 sous le nom d'art brut, cr&amp;eacute;ant une incroyable collection et publiant de nombreux &amp;eacute;crits. Claude L&amp;eacute;vi-Strauss va apporter &amp;eacute;galement un nouvel &amp;eacute;clairage sur ces &amp;oelig;uvres d&amp;egrave;s 1962 en d&amp;eacute;veloppant une r&amp;eacute;flexion sur le bricolage, lui conf&amp;eacute;rant une valeur artistique d&amp;eacute;terminante dans les &amp;oelig;uvres d'art brut et plus pr&amp;eacute;cis&amp;eacute;ment dans les environnements d'art brut, cr&amp;eacute;ations architecturales &amp;agrave; part enti&amp;egrave;re.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
En effet, les b&amp;acirc;tisseurs de ces singuliers ouvrages composent avec le hasard, con&amp;ccedil;oivent rarement de projets et utilisent les moyens du bord. Ils sont ouvriers, retrait&amp;eacute;s ou autodidactes et restent &amp;agrave; l'&amp;eacute;cart de tout syst&amp;egrave;me artistique. Ils s'approprient, subliment et transcendent leur espace quotidien, demeure ou jardin, lieux o&amp;ugrave; leurs r&amp;ecirc;ves vont s'incarner. Ainsi, d'une activit&amp;eacute; populaire li&amp;eacute;e &amp;agrave; l'occupation du temps libre, le bricolage devient une expression artistique, ing&amp;eacute;nieuse et affranchie des r&amp;egrave;gles et du syst&amp;egrave;me.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Cet ouvrage, rigoureusement document&amp;eacute; et illustr&amp;eacute;, constitue une histoire du bricolage peu analys&amp;eacute;e jusqu'ici du point de vue de l'histoire de l'art. &amp;Agrave; travers l'&amp;eacute;tude de sites embl&amp;eacute;matiques, il montre combien leur existence et leur richesse font question au sein m&amp;ecirc;me de l'art et de la culture et apporte un nouveau regard sur l'&amp;eacute;nigme de la cr&amp;eacute;ation artistique.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Marielle Magliozzi&lt;/b&gt; est docteur en histoire de l'art, enseignante en histoire de l'art et de l'architecture.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>Exploring everyday urban imaginaries in the multicultural competitive city</text>
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                <text>, imaginaire, mixité sociale, multicultural, multiculturel, immigration, marketing, diversity, diversité, Toronto, ethnicity, ethnicité, Liguori Marilena, urbanité</text>
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7 December 2010

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Marilena Liguori</text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the distributor:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Marilena Liguori's dissertation focuses on multiculturalism and ethnocultural diversity in Toronto and seeks to explore the everyday lived experiences of recent immigrants. This work examines the role of urban imaginaries in entrepreneurial city marketing strategies in relation to the consolidation of the competitive city, which involve representations of 'diversity without difference' or the commodification of ethnocultural diversity.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Marilena Liguori &lt;/b&gt;is a PhD candidate in urban studies at the Centre for Urbanization, Culture and Society, The National Institute for Scientific Research, Canada.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>Homos à la rue</text>
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                <text>homosexualité, gay, SDF, homophobie, précarité</text>
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D&amp;eacute;cembre 2008

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Marine Vlahovic</text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Gays et SDF : coming out, mensonges et travailleurs pauvres&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par le diffuseur :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Micha&amp;euml;l et St&amp;eacute;phane sont h&amp;eacute;berg&amp;eacute;s sur la p&amp;eacute;niche des Restos du coeur. Tous deux se sont retrouv&amp;eacute;s &amp;agrave; la rue apr&amp;egrave;s avoir d&amp;eacute;clar&amp;eacute; leur homosexualit&amp;eacute; &amp;agrave; leur famille. SDF, ils subissent la violence de la pr&amp;eacute;carit&amp;eacute; et celle de l'homophobie. Et pourtant, ils travaillent ! R&amp;eacute;cits crois&amp;eacute;s de vies masqu&amp;eacute;es.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Mise en ondes &amp;amp; mix :&lt;/b&gt; Charlie Marcelet&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;R&amp;eacute;alisation :&lt;/b&gt; Marine Vlahovic&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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24'</text>
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                <text>Renouveler l'aménagement et l'urbanisme</text>
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                <text>, aménagement, planification, urbanisme, Gautier Mario, Gariépy Michel, Trépanier Marie-Odile</text>
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Mario Gautier, 
Michel Gari&amp;eacute;py, 
Marie-Odile Tr&amp;eacute;panier</text>
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Otobre 2008

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Presses universitaires de Montr&amp;eacute;al

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350</text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par l'&amp;eacute;diteur :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Renouveller l'am&amp;eacute;nagement et l'urbanisme: Planification territoriale, d&amp;eacute;bat public et d&amp;eacute;veloppement durable a &amp;eacute;t&amp;eacute; publi&amp;eacute; aux Presses de l'Universit&amp;eacute; de Montr&amp;eacute;al sous la direction des professeurs Mario Gautier du D&amp;eacute;partement de travail social et des sciences sociales de l'UQO, Michel Gari&amp;eacute;py, Marie-Odile Tr&amp;eacute;panier, professeurs titulaires &amp;agrave; l'Institut d'urbanisme de la Facult&amp;eacute; de l'am&amp;eacute;nagement.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
En Am&amp;eacute;rique du Nord et en Europe, le renouvellement des pratiques d'am&amp;eacute;nagement du territoire et d'urbanisme s'impose comme une question centrale des &amp;eacute;tudes urbaines et r&amp;eacute;gionales depuis plus d'une d&amp;eacute;cennie.  Ce questionnement s'articule autour de trois axes: la planification territoriale, le d&amp;eacute;bat public et le d&amp;eacute;veloppement durable.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;Agrave; partir de recherches in&amp;eacute;dites portant sur des exp&amp;eacute;riences concr&amp;egrave;tes men&amp;eacute;es au Qu&amp;eacute;bec et en France, cet ouvrage propose un regard nouveau sur les retomb&amp;eacute;es et les effets du d&amp;eacute;bat public sur la planification territoriale, l'am&amp;eacute;nagement du territoire et l'urbanisme.  Il fait ainsi le bilan des implications du double imp&amp;eacute;ratif de la participation des citoyens et de la prise en compte du concept de d&amp;eacute;veloppement durable, et offre des r&amp;eacute;ponses &amp;agrave; des questions cruciales pour l'avenir des pratiques d'am&amp;eacute;nagement du territoire et d'urbanisme en contexte urbain et m&amp;eacute;tropolitain.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;rsquo;Institut d&amp;rsquo;urbanisme de la Facult&amp;eacute; de l&amp;rsquo;am&amp;eacute;nagement de l&amp;rsquo;Universit&amp;eacute; de Montr&amp;eacute;al&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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ENS Editions

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Veut-on vraiment que les habitants des quartiers populaires participent ? Deux analyses s'affrontent, en th&amp;eacute;orie comme en pratique, sur la participation des habitants aux politiques de la ville. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
La premi&amp;egrave;re pointe les d&amp;eacute;rives de &amp;quot;l'injonction participative&amp;quot;, cette demande unilat&amp;eacute;rale et m&amp;eacute;prisante faite aux pauvres de se comporter en citoyens, sans leur donner la possibilit&amp;eacute; de d&amp;eacute;battre sur le fonctionnement des institutions.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
La seconde voit au contraire dans la participation un levier pour leur &amp;eacute;mancipation sociale et politique, et l&amp;rsquo;am&amp;eacute;lioration de l&amp;rsquo;action publique. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Le croisement de plusieurs perspectives d&amp;rsquo;analyse et terrains d&amp;rsquo;enqu&amp;ecirc;te permet de d&amp;eacute;passer cette vision binaire et de rendre compte de la mani&amp;egrave;re dont les probl&amp;egrave;mes sociaux, &amp;eacute;conomiques et urbains sont d&amp;eacute;battus dans l&amp;rsquo;espace public. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
L&amp;rsquo;ethnographie de la participation aide &amp;agrave; mieux comprendre la mani&amp;egrave;re dont les habitants prennent part, ou non, &amp;agrave; la d&amp;eacute;finition et &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;valuation des politiques publiques qui les concernent. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Cet ouvrage montre que l&amp;rsquo;apathie des habitants des quartiers d&amp;rsquo;habitat social n&amp;rsquo;est qu&amp;rsquo;apparente, ou plut&amp;ocirc;t qu&amp;rsquo;elle se d&amp;eacute;veloppe dans des contextes d&amp;rsquo;interaction particuliers. Sous certaines conditions, au contraire, de nouvelles formes de contre-pouvoir, engendr&amp;eacute;es par l&amp;rsquo;activit&amp;eacute; d&amp;eacute;lib&amp;eacute;rative des &amp;laquo; artisans de la participation &amp;raquo;, &amp;eacute;mergent dans les milieux populaires.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Presses de l'universit&amp;eacute; du Qu&amp;eacute;bec

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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Quels sont les facteurs qui expliquent la construction des mod&amp;egrave;les de gestion m&amp;eacute;tropolitaine et quelle est la contribution des acteurs locaux &amp;agrave; ce processus ? A la crois&amp;eacute;e des &amp;eacute;tudes urbaines et de la science politique, ce livre traite de la dimension politique de la m&amp;eacute;tropolisation &amp;agrave; partir d&amp;rsquo;une &amp;eacute;tude de cas : le mod&amp;egrave;le de gestion mis en place &amp;agrave; Montr&amp;eacute;al dans le cadre de la r&amp;eacute;forme Harel (1999-2001).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Les moments de changement institutionnel am&amp;egrave;nent forc&amp;eacute;ment la cr&amp;eacute;ation de zones d&amp;rsquo;ambigu&amp;iuml;t&amp;eacute;, o&amp;ugrave; la dynamique des rapports entre les r&amp;egrave;gles institutionnelles (l&amp;rsquo;organisation de l&amp;rsquo;&amp;Eacute;tat et la culture politique) et les acteurs locaux se remarque de mani&amp;egrave;re exacerb&amp;eacute;e. Montr&amp;eacute;al se r&amp;eacute;v&amp;egrave;le ainsi un laboratoire unique en raison de la nature pol&amp;eacute;mique de sa r&amp;eacute;forme m&amp;eacute;tropolitaine.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Un nouveau mod&amp;egrave;le &amp;agrave; trois &amp;eacute;chelles a en effet &amp;eacute;t&amp;eacute; mis en place, fond&amp;eacute; sur la cr&amp;eacute;ation de la Communaut&amp;eacute; m&amp;eacute;tropolitaine de Montr&amp;eacute;al, la fusion de toutes les municipalit&amp;eacute;s sur l&amp;rsquo;&amp;icirc;le de Montr&amp;eacute;al et la cr&amp;eacute;ation de 27 arrondissements. Ce processus a d&amp;eacute;voil&amp;eacute; l&amp;rsquo;existence de repr&amp;eacute;sentations divergentes de l&amp;rsquo;agglom&amp;eacute;ration, rendant impossible l&amp;rsquo;adoption d&amp;rsquo;une vision m&amp;eacute;tropolitaine partag&amp;eacute;e. La r&amp;eacute;forme post&amp;eacute;rieure du Parti lib&amp;eacute;ral du Qu&amp;eacute;bec, initi&amp;eacute;e en 2003, a remis sur la sellette la dimension id&amp;eacute;ologique de la question m&amp;eacute;tropolitaine, ainsi que la capacit&amp;eacute; de certains groupes de faire valoir leurs id&amp;eacute;es sur la gestion m&amp;eacute;tropolitaine au d&amp;eacute;triment d&amp;rsquo;autres.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
La construction d&amp;rsquo;une pens&amp;eacute;e m&amp;eacute;tropolitaine rel&amp;egrave;ve d&amp;rsquo;un processus permanent de m&amp;eacute;diation entre les diff&amp;eacute;rents int&amp;eacute;r&amp;ecirc;ts et de recherche du compromis&amp;thinsp; ; c&amp;rsquo;est ce que montre l&amp;rsquo;auteure en analysant les premiers dix ans d&amp;rsquo;existence de la Communaut&amp;eacute; m&amp;eacute;tropolitaine de Montr&amp;eacute;al.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Mariona Tom&amp;agrave;s&lt;/b&gt; est professeure en science politique &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;Universit&amp;eacute; de Barcelone. Ses recherches portent sur la gouvernance m&amp;eacute;tropolitaine et les politiques urbaines en Europe et en Am&amp;eacute;rique du Nord.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Grand port d'immigration, La Nouvelle-Orl&amp;eacute;ans conna&amp;icirc;t une croissance d&amp;eacute;mographique spectaculaire au cours de la premi&amp;egrave;re moiti&amp;eacute; du XIXe si&amp;egrave;cle. Comment l'ancienne capitale de la Louisiane, longtemps peupl&amp;eacute;e majoritairement de francophones, fait-elle face &amp;agrave; cet afflux migratoire, comment au m&amp;ecirc;me moment s'int&amp;egrave;gre-t-elle dans les Etats-Unis tout en jouant de la notion de &amp;laquo;cr&amp;eacute;oles&amp;raquo; ? Selon quelles logiques les nouveaux immigrants s'installent-ils dans la ville et participent-ils &amp;agrave; la construction de l'identit&amp;eacute; et de l'ethnicit&amp;eacute; des diff&amp;eacute;rents quartiers d'une m&amp;eacute;tropole en forte expansion ? Comment les mariages et les activit&amp;eacute;s professionnelles s'inscrivent-ils dans la composition des m&amp;eacute;nages ? Quelle est la place des esclaves et des personnes de couleur libres dans les familles des diff&amp;eacute;rentes origines nationales et comment &amp;eacute;volue-t-elle jusqu'en 1860 ? Par le couplage entre plusieurs sources s&amp;eacute;rielles et nominatives (mariages, recensements, annuaires de la ville...) et l'observation des m&amp;eacute;nages et le suivi des familles sur plusieurs g&amp;eacute;n&amp;eacute;rations, ce livre tente de r&amp;eacute;pondre &amp;agrave; ces questions et d'&amp;eacute;clairer les processus d'insertion dans la ville.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Marjorie Bourdelais&lt;/b&gt; est historienne, sp&amp;eacute;cialiste des Etats-Unis et en particulier de la Louisiane.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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For members of Cairo&amp;rsquo;s upper classes, cosmopolitanism is a form of social capital, deployed whenever they acquire or consume transnational commodities, or goods that are linked in the popular imagination to other, more &amp;ldquo;modern&amp;rdquo; places. In a series of thickly described and carefully contextualized case studies&amp;mdash;of Arabic children&amp;rsquo;s magazines, Pok&amp;eacute;mon, private schools and popular films, coffee shops and fast-food restaurants&amp;mdash;Mark Allen Peterson describes the social practices that create class identities. He traces these processes from childhood into adulthood, examining how taste and style intersect with a changing educational system and economic liberalization. Peterson reveals how uneasy many cosmopolitan Cairenes are with their new global identities, and describes their efforts to root themselves in the local through religious, nationalist, or linguistic practices.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Mark Allen Peterson &lt;/b&gt;is Associate Professor of Anthropology and International Studies at Miami University.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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2003

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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Virtually all of the growth in the world's population for the foreseeable future will take place in the cities and towns of the developing world. Over the next twenty years, most developing countries will for the first time become more urban than rural. The benefits from urbanization cannot be overlooked, but the speed and sheer scale of this transformation present many challenges. A new cast of policy makers is emerging to take up the many responsibilities of urban governance as many national governments decentralize and devolve their functions, programs in poverty, health, education, and public services are increasingly being deposited in the hands of untested municipal and regional governments. Demographers have been surprisingly slow to devote attention to the implications of the urban transformation.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Drawing from a wide variety of data sources, many of them previously inaccessible, Cities Transformed explores the implications of various urban contexts for marriage, fertility, health, schooling, and children's lives. It should be of interest to all involved in city-level research, policy, planning, and investment decisions.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Front Matter &amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;
Executive Summary&lt;br /&gt;
1. Introduction &lt;br /&gt;
2. Why Location Matters&lt;br /&gt;
3. Urban Population Change: A Sketch&lt;br /&gt;
4. Urban Population Dynamics: Models, Measures, and Forecasts&lt;br /&gt;
5. Diversity and Inequality&lt;br /&gt;
6. Fertility and Reproductive Health&lt;br /&gt;
7. Mortality and Morbidity: Is City Life Good For Your Health?&lt;br /&gt;
8. The Urban Economy Transformed &lt;br /&gt;
9. The Challenge of Urban Governance&lt;br /&gt;
10. Looking Ahead &lt;br /&gt;
Appendices&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Mark&amp;nbsp;&lt;/b&gt;&lt;b&gt;R. Montgomery &lt;/b&gt;is a Professor in the Economics Department at Stony Brook University &lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Des photographes contemporains du monde entier ont captur&amp;eacute; en images la ville de New York, le dynamisme de ses quartiers et ses nombreuses transformations sous forme de sc&amp;egrave;nes urbaines, de portraits, de vignettes et d&amp;rsquo;instantan&amp;eacute;s. &lt;i&gt;New York : vue par ses photographes&lt;/i&gt; refl&amp;egrave;te l&amp;rsquo;esprit avant-gardiste de la ville &amp;agrave; travers des images encore in&amp;eacute;dites d&amp;rsquo;artistes contemporains renomm&amp;eacute;s et &amp;eacute;mergents. On y retrouve plus de 200 photos prises dans les cinq quartiers de New York par une bonne centaine d&amp;rsquo;artistes, dont Jack Pierson, Atta Kim, Andreas Gursky, Vik Muniz, Jenny Holzer, Michael Eastman et bien d&amp;rsquo;autres encore.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Cet ouvrage ne se contente pas de documenter le paysage physique et architectural, il livre &amp;eacute;galement une perspective d&amp;eacute;centr&amp;eacute;e &amp;ndash; et par cons&amp;eacute;quent moins connue et plus innovante &amp;ndash; du regard port&amp;eacute; sur cette ville par des artistes au vingt-et-uni&amp;egrave;me si&amp;egrave;cle. &lt;i&gt;New York : vue par ses photographes&lt;/i&gt; r&amp;eacute;v&amp;egrave;le une approche post-onze septembre d&amp;rsquo;une grande fra&amp;icirc;cheur visuelle, explore la ville comme aucune publication ne l&amp;rsquo;a fait auparavant et interpellera tant les adeptes de la photographie d&amp;rsquo;art que les fans de New York.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
I used to live in Washington DC, not far from a place I learned to call the &amp;ldquo;U Street Corridor.&amp;rdquo; I really had no idea why it was a &amp;ldquo;corridor&amp;rdquo; (most places in DC are just &amp;ldquo;streets&amp;rdquo;) or why a lot of folks seemed to make a big deal out if it. Don&amp;rsquo;t get me wrong. It was nice. There are coffee shops, jazz clubs, and the place is full of beautiful late Victorian architecture. But I confess I really didn&amp;rsquo;t understand what the &amp;ldquo;U Street Corridor&amp;rdquo; was.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Having read Blair Ruble&amp;lsquo;s terrific &lt;a target="_blank" href="http://jhupbooks.press.jhu.edu/ecom/MasterServlet/GetItemDetailsHandler?iN=9780801898006&amp;amp;qty=1&amp;amp;source=2&amp;amp;viewMode=3&amp;amp;loggedIN=false&amp;amp;JavaScript=y"&gt;Washington&amp;rsquo;s U Street: A Biography&lt;/a&gt; (Johns Hopkins UP/Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2010), I can confidently say that now I get it. U Street was arguably the first urban area in the post-bellum United States in which African Americans formed a vital, sophisticated, wealthy, and identifiably modern &amp;ldquo;negro&amp;rdquo; (as they would have said) culture. Today we take it for granted that African Americans make a vital contribution to the cultural life (though not only that) of the United States. At the end of the Civil War, that wasn&amp;rsquo;t so. The vast majority of Blacks were southern, rural, and poor. If they appeared on the stage of national culture (and they almost never did), it was through the devices of minstrels in black-face.  As Ruble points out, all that changed on U Street in the early 20th century, the birthplace of modern African American culture. Now I know, and I&amp;rsquo;m glad I do. Read the book, and you&amp;rsquo;ll know too.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Marshall Poe &lt;/b&gt;is Associate Professor and Director of Undergraduate Studies in the Department of History at the University of Iowa.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Blair A. Ruble &lt;/b&gt;is Director of the Kennan Institute and Chair of the Comparative Urban Studies Project at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
When I arrived at college in the early 1980s, drugs were cool, music was cool, and drug-music was especially cool. The coolest of the cool drug-music bands was The Velvet Underground. They were from the mean streets of New York City (The Doors were from the soft parade of L.A&amp;hellip;.); they hung out with Andy Warhol (The Beatles hung out with Maharishi Mahesh Yogi&amp;hellip;); they had a female drummer (The Grateful Dead had two drummers, but that still didn&amp;rsquo;t help&amp;hellip;); and, of course, they did heroin. Or at least they wrote a famous song about it. We did not do heroin, but we thought that those who did&amp;ndash;like Lou Reed and the rest&amp;ndash;were hipper than hip. I imagine we would have done it if there had been any around (thank God for small favors).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
We thought we had discovered something new. But as Eric C. Schneider points out in his marvelous Smack: Heroin and the American City (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), the conjunction of music, heroin, and cool was hardly an invention of my generation. The three came together in the 1940s, when smack-using bebop players (think Charlie Parker) taught the &amp;ldquo;Beat Generation&amp;rdquo; that heroin was hip. Neither was my generation the last to succumb to a heroin fad. The triad of music, heroin, and cool united again in the 1990s, when drug-addled pop-culture icons such as Jim Carroll (The Basketball Diaries), Kurt Cobain (Nirvana), and Calvin Klein (of &amp;ldquo;heroin chic&amp;rdquo; fame) taught &amp;ldquo;Generation X&amp;rdquo; the same lesson. History, or at least the history of heroin, repeats itself.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
For white, middle-class folks like me heroin chic was an episode, a rebellious moment in an otherwise &amp;ldquo;normal&amp;rdquo; American life. But as Schneider makes clear, the passage of heroin from cultural elites to the population at large was not always so benign, particularly in the declining inner-cities of the 1960s and 1970s. Here heroin had nothing to do with being cool and everything to do with earning a living and escaping reality. For millions of impoverished, hopeless, urban-dwelling hispanics and blacks, heroin was a paycheck and a checkout. The drug helped destroy the people in the inner-city, and thus the inner-city itself.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In response to the &amp;ldquo;heroin epidemic&amp;rdquo; of the 1960s and 1970s, the government launched the first war on drugs, focusing its energy on &amp;ldquo;pushers.&amp;rdquo; But there were no &amp;ldquo;pushers&amp;rdquo; because&amp;ndash;and this is the greatest insight in a book full of great insights&amp;ndash;pushing was not the way heroin use spread, either among middle-class college kids or the down-and-out of New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. No one pushed heroin on anyone. Rather, users taught their friends how to use; in turn, those friends&amp;ndash;now users&amp;ndash;taught their friends, and so on. Heroin stealthily spread through personal networks. The only part of the process that was visible was the result: in the case of suburban college kids, bad grades and rehab; in the case of poor urban hispanics and blacks, crime and incarceration.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Not surprisingly, when the heroin &amp;ldquo;epidemic&amp;rdquo; ended, it was not due to the war on drugs. Heroin simply fell out of fashion, in this case being replaced by another fashionable drug, powder and crack cocaine. Today we are fighting cocaine just as we fought heroin, and, by all appearances, with similar success.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Marshall Poe &lt;/b&gt;is Associate Professor and Director of Undergraduate Studies in the Department of History at the University of Iowa.&lt;/div&gt;
Smack : Heroin and the American city&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/i&gt;(2008: University of Pennsylvania Press).&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
In the late 19th century, French sociologist &amp;Eacute;mile Durkheim warned the world about spreading &amp;ldquo;normlessness&amp;rdquo; (anomie). He claimed that modern society, and particularly life in concentrated urban-industrial areas like Paris, left people without the sense of belonging that characterized &amp;ldquo;traditional&amp;rdquo; life. Durkheim was not alone in thinking that there was something fundamentally sick-making about modernity. Marx called the modern malady &amp;ldquo;alienation&amp;rdquo; (Entfremdung), Weber called it &amp;ldquo;disenchantment&amp;rdquo; (Entzauberung), and Freud called it &amp;ldquo;discontent&amp;rdquo; (Unbehagen). The more general term used in fin de si&amp;egrave;cle Europe was &amp;ldquo;neurasthenia,&amp;rdquo; a condition of nervous exhaustion caused by the frenetic pace of modern life.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The theory that modernity was pathological was put to the test on several occasions in the early twentieth century. One of the earliest was the Paris flood of 1910. It&amp;rsquo;s the subject of Jeffrey H. Jackson&amp;lsquo;s wonderfully told tale Paris Under Water: How the City of Light Survived the Great Flood of 1910 (Palgrave-MacMillan, 2010). By Jackson&amp;rsquo;s revealing lights, social science did not fare very well. When the Seine river literally rose up out of the ground and over its banks, things in Paris did not fall apart as Durkheim, Marx, Weber, and Freud might have predicted. Far from it: the Parisians generally pulled together, fought the rising waters, and helped one another. They were not &amp;ldquo;normless,&amp;rdquo; &amp;ldquo;alienated,&amp;rdquo; &amp;ldquo;disenchanted,&amp;rdquo; or &amp;ldquo;discontented.&amp;rdquo; They knew just who they were: French citizens. They knew just what to do: lend a hand. And they knew just why they did it: national duty. This isn&amp;rsquo;t to say that some sort of ideal democracy magically emerged out of the flood waters. It didn&amp;rsquo;t. As is always the case, people in desperate situations do desperate (and often stupid) things. The deluge ripped the veneer of normalcy from daily life and revealed underlying conflicts. But more than anything else the Paris flood revealed the remarkable strength of modern republican nation-states. Unlike their much praised &amp;ldquo;traditional&amp;rdquo; counterparts&amp;mdash;the monarchies of early modern Europe&amp;mdash;they did not fall apart when put under significant strain. They cohered and even grew stronger.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
We shouldn&amp;rsquo;t think, however, that this solidarity was an entirely good thing. National unity had a much darker side, as would be shown only a few years later. Nations are often very good at helping themselves, as the Paris flood demonstrated. But they are also very good (if &amp;ldquo;good&amp;rdquo; is the right word) at fighting other nations, as was demonstrated with horrible clarity in World War I and World War II.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Marshall Poe &lt;/b&gt;is Associate Professor and Director of Undergraduate Studies in the Department of History at the University of Iowa.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Jeffrey H. Jackson &lt;/b&gt;is Associate Professor of History at Rhodes College.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
In this week&amp;rsquo;s interview, we discussed Dr. Mumford&amp;rsquo;s latest book, Newark: A History of Race, Rights and Riots in America. David Roediger of the University of Illinois raves that &amp;ldquo;Meticulously researched and engagingly written, Newark tells an important story.&amp;rdquo;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
NYU Press&lt;/a&gt; : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Newark&amp;rsquo;s volatile past is infamous. The city has become synonymous with the Black Power movement and urban crisis. Its history reveals a vibrant and contentious political culture punctuated by traditional civic pride and an understudied tradition of protest in the black community. Newark charts this important city's place in the nation, from its founding in 1666 by a dissident Puritan as a refuge from intolerance, through the days of Jim Crow and World War II civil rights activism, to the height of postwar integration and the election of its first black mayor.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In this broad and balanced history of Newark, Kevin Mumford applies the concept of the public sphere to the problem of race relations, demonstrating how political ideas and print culture were instrumental in shaping African American consciousness. He draws on both public and personal archives, interpreting official documents - such as newspapers, commission testimony, and government records&amp;mdash;alongside interviews, political flyers, meeting minutes, and rare photos.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
From the migration out of the South to the rise of public housing and ethnic conflict, Newark explains the impact of African Americans on the reconstruction of American cities in the twentieth century.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Kevin Mumford&lt;/b&gt; is Associate Professor of History and African American studies at the University of Iowa.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Marshall Poe &lt;/b&gt;is Associate Professor and Director of Undergraduate Studies in the Department of History at the University of Iowa.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Smagacz uses a comparative approach to look at two very different but related processes: what she calls the &amp;ldquo;revitalization&amp;rdquo; of two formerly peripheral and now prosper- &lt;br /&gt;
ous, innovative and trendy urban districts: the first a part of the historical Polish capital, Krakow, and the second of the dynamic Northern Italian city of Milan. Both are useful objects of analysis in Smagacz&amp;rsquo;s perspective, and comparison throws into high relief the differences as well as the similarities. For Smagacz cities are important from a methodological point of view: not only are they of growing significance in today&amp;rsquo;s world, where an ever greater proportion of the population has become, willingly or not, urban: for Smagacz cities force us to integrate our disciplinary approaches and tools. The city cannot be understood unilaterally, but brings the researcher necessarily to look to different disciplines, or rather across and between disciplines, in order to create a meaningful and realistic picture. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Marta Smagacz is by formation a sociologist, and sociological concerns were the starting point for her study. Her methodology is based on the conviction that the city and its parts are made, interpreted and continually reinterpreted by the inhabitants as they construct and reconstruct &amp;lsquo;their&amp;rsquo; city. Interviews with the present inhabitants of the two districts form the core of her empirical evidence. The object of study and the results obtained inspired Smagacz to bring a historical and political-cultural perspective to bear on Ticinese and Kazimierz, in the attempt to highlight and to explain their similarities and differences.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Marta Smagacz &lt;/b&gt;is Assistant Professor of Sociology at the Department of Sociology, Jagiellonian University in Krakow, Poland.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Using the concept of 'global cities' as a key context to the discussion, Murray draws our attention to the large metropolises that dominate as economic power bases &amp;ndash; cities such as New York and Tokyo &amp;ndash; and then contrasts them with cities that aspire to such 'world-class' status as Johannesburg and S&amp;atilde;o Paulo. While mindful of the historical and socio-political differences between South Africa and Brazil, the author notes the similarities in terms of their global marginalisation as key players, as well as the parallel ways their urban architecture has developed. S&amp;atilde;o Paulo and Johannesburg both share a colonial past, and both became wealthy through exploitation of natural resources (coffee, minerals). Both share the development of an ever-growing chasm between the rich and the poor, reflected in contemporary designs of urban space. Murray takes a sharp, incisive look at the factors which are shaping the spaces in two contemporary cities, and comes up with a pithy commentary which is part architectural critique, part socio-political comment and part post-modern debate.&lt;/div&gt;
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&lt;b&gt;Martin J. Murray &lt;/b&gt;is Professor of Sociology at the State University of New York in Binghamton.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Garbage, wastewater, hazardous waste: these are the lenses through which Melosi views nineteenth- and twentieth-century America. In broad overviews and specific case studies, Melosi treats the relationship between industrial expansion and urban growth from an ecological perspective. &lt;/div&gt;
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&lt;b&gt;Martin Melosi &lt;/b&gt;is Distinguished University Professor of History and Director of the Center for Public History at the University of Houston.&lt;/div&gt;
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Rue d'Ulm

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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
En France comme dans d&amp;rsquo;autres pays d&amp;rsquo;Europe occidentale, les bidonvilles du XXIe si&amp;egrave;cle semblent indissociables de la &amp;quot;communaut&amp;eacute; rom&amp;quot;, per&amp;ccedil;ue &amp;agrave; la fois comme culturellement exotique et socialement marginale. Mais qui sont en r&amp;eacute;alit&amp;eacute; les habitants de ces baraques construites dans les interstices urbains ? A-t-on affaire &amp;agrave; des &amp;quot;nomades insaisissables&amp;quot; ou &amp;agrave; des migrants &amp;eacute;conomiques comme tant d&amp;rsquo;autres ? Quels sont leur quotidien et les difficult&amp;eacute;s auxquelles ils sont confront&amp;eacute;s ?&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
R&amp;eacute;pondre &amp;agrave; ces questions invite dans le m&amp;ecirc;me temps &amp;agrave; interroger les causes de ce ph&amp;eacute;nom&amp;egrave;ne. Et celles-ci n&amp;rsquo;ont que peu &amp;agrave; voir avec une quelconque appartenance ethnique mais renvoient &amp;agrave; des r&amp;eacute;alit&amp;eacute;s sociales, politiques et &amp;eacute;conomiques qui concernent l&amp;rsquo;ensemble des habitants de la Ville contemporaine et, au-del&amp;agrave;, toute l&amp;rsquo;Europe d&amp;rsquo;aujourd&amp;rsquo;hui.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Ethnologue, &lt;b&gt;Martin Olivera&lt;/b&gt; est docteur de l&amp;rsquo;universit&amp;eacute; Paris Ouest-Nanterre. Membre de l&amp;rsquo;Observatoire europ&amp;eacute;en Urba-rom (fond&amp;eacute; en 2009) qui s&amp;rsquo;int&amp;eacute;resse aux politiques publiques en direction des groupes dits roms/tsiganes, il est &amp;eacute;galement formateur en Seine-Saint-Denis aupr&amp;egrave;s des professionnels du secteur social (association Rues et Cit&amp;eacute;s).&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
S&amp;eacute;lection de textes issus des deux premi&amp;egrave;res journ&amp;eacute;es &amp;quot;Jeunes Chercheurs&amp;quot; du GIS Socio-&amp;Eacute;conomie de l'Habitat, cet ouvrage t&amp;eacute;moigne d'un renouvellement des approches du logement et de l'habitat. L'acc&amp;egrave;s &amp;agrave; un logement y appara&amp;icirc;t comme un fil conducteur, qu'il s'agisse de l'analyse des dispositifs publics ou des parcours r&amp;eacute;sidentiels des m&amp;eacute;nages.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Dans une premi&amp;egrave;re partie l'approche croise politiques publiques, pratiques de gestion et changement social des territoires. La vuln&amp;eacute;rabilit&amp;eacute; des m&amp;eacute;nages, les tensions sur les march&amp;eacute;s du logement, les transformations de l'intervention de l'Etat et la s&amp;eacute;gr&amp;eacute;gation urbaine constituent les principaux &amp;eacute;clairages des analyses propos&amp;eacute;es.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
La seconde partie interroge les relations entre les concepteurs, la production d'&amp;eacute;difices ou de projets, l'&amp;eacute;laboration de mod&amp;egrave;les d'une part, les usages et l'adaptation des &amp;quot;mod&amp;egrave;les&amp;quot; &amp;agrave; ces usages et pratiques d'autre part. Elle confronte le th&amp;egrave;me de l'inscription spatiale &amp;agrave; celui des mobilit&amp;eacute;s en s'int&amp;eacute;ressant particuli&amp;egrave;rement &amp;agrave; la maison individuelle et aux espaces de transition entre public et priv&amp;eacute;, comme le jardin ou la cour.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
L'essentiel des contributions souligne la n&amp;eacute;cessit&amp;eacute; d'une conception large de l'habitat et de l'habiter, d'une combinaison des &amp;eacute;chelles et des m&amp;eacute;thodes - alliant analyses morphologiques et approches sociales ou fonctionnelles - si l'on veut rendre compte de la diversit&amp;eacute; des choix et des comportements observ&amp;eacute;s. Ce recueil confirme ainsi l'int&amp;eacute;r&amp;ecirc;t des confrontations entre disciplines afin d'enrichir un champ de recherche particuli&amp;egrave;rement li&amp;eacute; &amp;agrave; la demande sociale et &amp;agrave; l'actualit&amp;eacute; des politiques publiques.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Martine Berger&lt;/b&gt; est professeure de g&amp;eacute;ographie &amp;agrave; l'Universit&amp;eacute; Paris I et membre du LADYSS (CNRS UMR 75331).&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Lionel Roug&amp;eacute;&lt;/b&gt; est ma&amp;icirc;tre de conf&amp;eacute;rences en g&amp;eacute;ographie &amp;agrave; l'Universit&amp;eacute; de Caen Basse-Normandie et membre de ESO-Caen (CNRS UMR 6590).&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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              <name>Title</name>
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                <text>La prison dans la ville</text>
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                <text>prison, ordre social, sécurité, perception, Herzog-Evans Martine</text>
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Martine Herzog-Evans</text>
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12 novembre 2009

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Er&amp;egrave;s

</text>
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134</text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par l'&amp;eacute;diteur :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Des prisons sont implant&amp;eacute;es dans les villes. Invisibles pour leurs habitants, elles ont pourtant des effets significatifs au sein de celles-ci, sur la perception de la cit&amp;eacute;, du quartier, de ses habitants, sur certaines de ses activit&amp;eacute;s, ses constructions, etc.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Cet ouvrage, unique sur un tel sujet en France, a pour objet de d&amp;eacute;crire de mani&amp;egrave;re pluridisciplinaire (un sociologue, une architecte, une juriste, mais aussi un ancien d&amp;eacute;tenu) en quoi constitue cet impact. Scientifique, mais aussi plein d&amp;rsquo;anecdotes et de descriptions concr&amp;egrave;tes, cet ouvrage se lit facilement. Vous ne &amp;quot;verrez&amp;quot; plus &amp;quot;votre&amp;quot; prison comme avant.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Martine Herzog-Evans&lt;/b&gt; est professeur de droit &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;universit&amp;eacute; de Reims.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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        <name>Herzog-Evans Martine</name>
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        <name>perception</name>
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        <name>prison</name>
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