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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; At first glance a study on cities and foreign policy may seem a bold leap into the future of international relations, but it represents, rather, a giant step into the present--into what is already taking place across this country and around the world. Cities have become actors in international affairs; and American cities have not only been players on the world scene but have been deeply transformed on the process as well. Over the last four years, the Council on Foreign Relations has been studying new actors in international affairs: business, nongovernmental organizations (particularly on such issues as the environment, human rights, and humanitarian relief and aid), and certain regions and localities that now orient their &amp;quot;foreign&amp;quot; policy or actions somewhat independently from that of their central governments. Of these new global actors, cities have drawn the least attention within policymaking circles and among the public. Although this volume looks at New York City, the United States' largest and most prominent international center, the issues and processes discussed--the economic restructuring of the economy, immigration, and internationalization of crime, the changing demands on, and functions of, social and civic institutions, the technological innovations that are revolutionizing how we live, do business, and form communities--represent fundamental challenges faced by cities and communities across the country; particularly at a time when many of the traditional functions of the central government are being privatized or decentralized. This is a volume of intellectual rigor--briskly written and clear-headed. It provides a model that will be emulated in the analysis of other global cities.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; Robert D. Hormats - Foreword: New York's global future&lt;/div&gt; Kenneth Maxwell - Acknowledgements&lt;/div&gt; Margaret E. Crahan with Alberto Vourvoulias-Bush - Introduction: The city and the world&lt;/div&gt; Carol O'Cl&amp;eacute;ireacain - The private economy and the public budget of New York City&lt;/div&gt; Rae D. Rosen with Reagan Murray - Opening doors: Access to the global market for financial sectors&lt;/div&gt; Edward Mozley Roche - &amp;quot;Cyberopolis&amp;quot; : The cybernetic city faces the global economy&lt;/div&gt; Clifford Krauss - The Cali cartel and the globalization of crime in New York City&lt;/div&gt; Peter Andress - Policing the clandestine side of economic integration&lt;/div&gt; Joseph J. Salvo and Arun Peter Lobo - Immigration and the changing demographic profile of New York&lt;/div&gt; Robert C. Smith - Transnational migration, assimilation, and political community&lt;/div&gt; Josh DeWing - Educating the children of immigrants in New York's restructured economy&lt;/div&gt; Anthony M. Stevens-Arroyo - Building a new public realm: Moral responsibility and religious commitment in the city&lt;/div&gt; Jay Kaplan - Rooting for a logo: Culture, identity, and civic experience in the global city&lt;/div&gt; Saskia Sassen - Cities, foreign policy, and the global economy&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Margaret E. Crahan &lt;/b&gt;is Dorothy Epstein Professor in Latin American History at Hunter College.&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Alberto Vourvoulias-Bush &lt;/b&gt;is Research Associate for Latin America at the Council on Foreign Relations and a doctoral candidate in politics at Yale University.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; </text>
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2005

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Editions de l'Aube

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&lt;br /&gt;
Depuis l'origine, l'homme n'a eu de cesse de domestiquer la nature et d'&amp;eacute;tendre son emprise sur l'ensemble de la plan&amp;egrave;te. Dans cette conqu&amp;ecirc;te du syst&amp;egrave;me monde presque achev&amp;eacute;e, la nuit urbaine, terra incognita longtemps oubli&amp;eacute;e par les &amp;eacute;diles et les chercheurs, n'a pas encore livr&amp;eacute; tous ses secrets. Il y a pourtant une vie apr&amp;egrave;s le jour. Travail en horaires atypiques, soldes de nuit, nocturnes commerciales, illuminations, nuits blanches, transport, pollution lumineuse, nuisances sonores ou violences urbaines : entre ins&amp;eacute;curit&amp;eacute; et libert&amp;eacute;, la nuit s'invite dans notre actualit&amp;eacute;.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Colonis&amp;eacute;e par les activit&amp;eacute;s du jour, la nuit est d&amp;eacute;sormais soumise &amp;agrave; de nouvelles pressions. La ville qui dort, la ville qui travaille et la ville qui s'amuse ne font pas toujours bon m&amp;eacute;nage. Face &amp;agrave; ces conflits, la nuit doit s'ouvrir &amp;agrave; l'investigation scientifique, &amp;agrave; la prospective et &amp;agrave; la cr&amp;eacute;ativit&amp;eacute;. Ce livre nous invite &amp;agrave; une premi&amp;egrave;re exploration de l'archipel nocturne, de ses acteurs, de ses limites, de ses centralit&amp;eacute;s, de ses marges et de ses rythmes. Espace de projet et derni&amp;egrave;re fronti&amp;egrave;re pour l'homme du XXIe si&amp;egrave;cle : la nuit a beaucoup de choses &amp;agrave; dire au jour.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Luc Gwiazdzinski &lt;/b&gt;est enseignant-chercheur en urbanisme, Institut de G&amp;eacute;ographie Alpine (Pacte), Grenoble&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; In 1971, a group of young people broke into a closed down military area in Copenhagen. It was located not more than a mile from the Royal Danish Palace and the Danish parliament. Soon, the media published images and reports from the proclamation of the Freetown Christiania, and people travelled from all over Europe to be part of the foundation of a new community. A 'Christiania Act' passed by a broad parliamentary majority in 1989 legalised the squat and made it possible to grant Christiania the rigth to collective use of the area. However, this was reversed under the Liberal-Conservative government in 2004 when the parliament decided on changes in the 1989 Christiania law. The Freetown has refused to give up its claims on the property so it remains highly contested. Around 900 people live in Christiania today. It is governed through a decentralised democratic structure, whose autonomy is strongly contingent on the Freetown's external relations with the Danish government, the Copenhagen Municipality, the Copenhagen Police and to the organised crime in connection with the cannabis trade. This book brings together ten researchers from various disciplines; Sociology, Anthropology, History, Geography, Art, Urban planning, Landscape architecture and Political science to bring thier own reflections on the unique community that is Christiania. In the introductory chapter, the editors provide an overview of the research that has been done on the settlement from the early 1970s to the 2000s.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; H&amp;aring;kan Th&amp;ouml;rn, Cathrin Wasshede and Tomas Nilson - Introduction: From 'social experiment' to 'urban alternative' - 40 years of research on the Freetown&lt;/div&gt; Ren&amp;eacute; Karpantschof - Bargaining and barricades - the political struggle over the Freetown Christiania 1971-2011&lt;/div&gt; H&amp;aring;kan Th&amp;ouml;rn - Governing freedom - debating Christiania in the Danish Parliament&lt;/div&gt; Signe Sophie B&amp;oslash;ggild - Happy ever after? The welfare city in between the Freetown and the New Town&lt;/div&gt; Maria Hellstr&amp;ouml;m Reimer - The Hansen family and the micro-physics of the everyday&lt;/div&gt; Helen Jarvis - Alternative visions of home and family life in Christiania: Lessons for the mainstream&lt;/div&gt; Cathrin Wasshede - B&amp;oslash;ssehuset - queer perspectives in Christiania&lt;/div&gt; Tomas Nilson - 'Weeds and deeds' - images and counter images of Christiania and drugs&lt;/div&gt; Christa Simone Amouroux - Normalisation within Christiania&lt;/div&gt; Amy Starecheski - Consensus and strategy: Narratives of naysaying and yeasaying in Christiania's struggles over legislation&lt;/div&gt; Anders Lund Hansen - Christiania and the right to the city&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;H&amp;aring;kan Th&amp;ouml;rn&lt;/b&gt; is Professor at the Department of sociology, University of Gothenburg.&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Cathrin Wasshede&lt;/b&gt; holds a Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Gothenburg. Her research interests are gender and sexuality, resistance and social movements.&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Tomas Nilson&lt;/b&gt; has a Ph.D. in history from Gothenburg University. He is currently working on the research project &amp;lsquo;The inner city as public sphere: Urban transformation, social order and social movement&amp;rsquo;.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; </text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Extract from the Introduction:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; The poor were always with the English. Poverty had been of broad social concern since the Elizabethan period at least: the topic of ongoing debate, periodic legislation, sporadic philanthropy. But the London poor of the nineteenth century - particularly from the 1840s on - seemed to present a different phenomenon. The spectacle of poverty and associated degradation in Central and East London, and later in South London, gave rise to a new set of imaginative and cultural representations. It developed from and in turn created new relationships between an ascending urban middle class and the worst victims of the metropolis. Poverty became, as Gertrude Himmelfarb notes, &amp;quot;a cultural rather than an economic condition&amp;quot; (&lt;i&gt;Idea of Poverty &lt;/i&gt;366). The character of the London poor broke into the public consciousness as if it were a &lt;i&gt;discovery&lt;/i&gt;, which was &amp;quot;at once painful and alarming&amp;quot; in the words of one observer, and the &amp;quot;sense of novelty did not seem to disappear till the 1890's&amp;quot; (&lt;i&gt;Victorian City &lt;/i&gt;1:18). New terms, such as &amp;quot;slum,&amp;quot; entered the vocabulary, and from the Victorian period on, almost as one conceived of the big city, one conceived at the same time of a festering, teeming, sullen nether world within it. The state of London's poor came to exercise a strong imagistic influence, shaping the discourses of journalism, social work, government activity, and high culture.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; The late &lt;b&gt;Roger B. Henkle &lt;/b&gt;was Professor of English and Modern Culture and Media at Brown University.&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Daniel Bivona &lt;/b&gt;is Associate Professor of English at Arizona State University.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; </text>
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ARTfactories et Autre(s)pARTs

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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par les &amp;eacute;diteurs :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Apr&amp;egrave;s plus d&amp;rsquo;un an d&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;criture et d&amp;rsquo;entretiens &amp;agrave; travers la France nous sommes heureux de vous pr&amp;eacute;senter l&amp;rsquo;ouvrage d&amp;eacute;di&amp;eacute; aux projets participatifs dans les quartiers populaires.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Les processus artistiques participatifs ont le vent en poupe, notamment dans les quartiers relevant de la politique de la ville. Sur quoi repose cet engouement ? Comment ces projets prennent-ils part &amp;agrave; la transformation des villes ? Quelles mani&amp;egrave;res de vivre ensemble mettent-ils en lumi&amp;egrave;re et, parfois, renouvellent-ils ?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
En s&amp;rsquo;appuyant sur le t&amp;eacute;moignage d&amp;rsquo;une vingtaine de personnes engag&amp;eacute;es sur ce terrain (artistes, acteurs associatifs et institutionnels, chercheurs, citoyens etc.), cet ouvrage interroge les rapprochements f&amp;eacute;conds &amp;ndash; et n&amp;eacute;cessaires &amp;ndash; qui existent entre la culture et la politique de la ville. Cette publication permet de valoriser des exp&amp;eacute;riences culturelles et artistiques qui impliquent, dans leur processus, des habitants et qui, &amp;agrave; ce titre, jouent un r&amp;ocirc;le important dans le d&amp;eacute;veloppement (social) des quartiers relevant de la politique de la ville (PV). Afin de montrer la dimension partenariale et transversale de ces exp&amp;eacute;riences, il s&amp;rsquo;agira, apr&amp;egrave;s une premi&amp;egrave;re partie historique et critique, de donner la parole &amp;agrave; un ensemble de personnes qui prennent part &amp;agrave; la mise en &amp;oelig;uvre de ces exp&amp;eacute;riences. &amp;Agrave; travers ces t&amp;eacute;moignages, on trouvera un certain nombre de pistes de r&amp;eacute;flexions ou de pr&amp;eacute;conisations adress&amp;eacute;es aux acteurs de la Politique de la Ville. Lire la suite&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;&amp;Eacute;criture :&lt;/b&gt; S&amp;eacute;bastien Gazeau&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Coordination :&lt;/b&gt; &lt;a href="http://www.artfactories.net/" target="_blank"&gt;ARTfactories/Autre(s)pARTs&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;a href="mailto:communication@artfactories.net"&gt;Version papier disponible gratuitement sur demande&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Extract from the introduction:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
The task I have undertaken in this book is to account for the peculiar sense of solidarity that the citizens of Barcelona developed between 1888 and 1939, and to explain why shared experiences of civic culture and pageantry were sometimes sufficient to galvanize resistance to national authoritarian governments but not always enough to overcome internecine struggles based on class and gender in the city itself. Most of all, I am concerned here with the process by which principles of regional freedom and economic equity developed and changed in a city long known for its commitment to human dignity and artistic achievement.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Women occupy a central place in this study of the creation and transformation of civic culture as a forum for political struggle. The grassroots politics in which activist women overwhelmingly participated has often been overlooked in studies of political life in Barcelona at this time. Yet because this study regards streets and caf&amp;eacute;s as political arenas, women's activities in them and in the movements that emanated from them assume a pivotal position in the arguments that follow.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
From 1888 to 1939 the politics of region, class, and gender expressed themselves in terms of assorted communal manifestations of Barcelona's civic culture. Festivals and other street gatherings were prominent, providing a means to vent officially repressed aspirations as well as officially sanctioned sentiments. The same festivals or public events could serve divergent purposes at different times. They could express or encourage either local solidarity or internal struggle, celebration or opposition. Thus, civic forms could and did evolve over time, providing a rich and flexible political language that, in turn, gave rise to new strains of thought and new political options. This process both influenced and was reflected in the words of artists like Pablo Picasso, who came of age in Barcelona during this period.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Introduction - The symbolic landscape&lt;/div&gt;
1. Resistance and ritual, 1888-1896&lt;/div&gt;
2. Popular art and rituals&lt;/div&gt;
3. Community celebrations and communal strikes, 1902&lt;/div&gt;
4. Women out of control&lt;/div&gt;
5. Female consciousness and community struggle, 1910-1918&lt;/div&gt;
6. Democratic promises in 1917&lt;/div&gt;
7. Urban disorder and cultural resistance, 1919-1930&lt;/div&gt;
8. Cultural reactions to the Spanish Republic and the Civil War in Barcelona&lt;/div&gt;
Epilogue - Cultural resistance in the aftermath&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Temma Kaplan &lt;/b&gt;is Professor of History at Rutgers School of Arts and Sciences.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Bryna Goodman

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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Extract from the Introduction:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
This study explores social practices and rituals related to xxiangyi , also called xiangqing and ziyi , Chinese expressions for the sentiment that binds people from the same native place. This sentiment, and the social institutions which expressed it, profoundly shaped the nature and development of modern Chinese urban society. The two quotations which begin this chapter suggest twin aspects of urban social organization and behavior that correspond to native-place sentiment. The account in the 1907 Shanghai gazetteer describes organization by native place as a necessary, natural, specifically Chinese and indeed &amp;quot;morally excellent&amp;quot; response to the dangers posed by urban admixture and anomie. Daotai Intendment Wu XU's description of the city under his jurisdiction indicates a possible drawback to the &amp;quot;moral excellence&amp;quot; of native-place sentiment, suggesting that, when individuals from different native-place groups mixed together on a city street, they felt no common identity as Chinese. The chapters which follow address these themes&amp;mdash;the prominence of native-place sentiment and organization in Chinese cities and the influence of such ideas and social formations on city life, social order and urban and national identity.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The study is based on Shanghai and covers nearly a century, from the opening of the city to foreign trade in 1843 to the establishment of Guomindang dominance in the Nanjing decade (1927-37). Throughout this period immigrant groups from other areas of China dominated Shanghai's rapidly expanding urban population, which more than quadrupled in the nineteenth century. Shanghai's population in 1800 was between one-quarter and one-third million. By 1910 it was 1.3 million. It doubled again by 1927, to 2.6 million. Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, immigrants comprised at least 75 percent of the total figure. Some of these immigrants came to Shanghai to explore economic opportunities; others came in waves to flee war and famine in their native place.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Combining forces to meet the imperatives of their new urban surroundings, these immigrants formed native-place associations, huiguan and tongxianghui. Such associations and the sentiments which engendered them were formative elements of Shanghai's urban environment throughout the late Qing and early Republican periods. Social, economic and political organization along lines of regional identity shaped the development of the city.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
1. Introduction: The moral excellence of loving the group&lt;/div&gt;
2. Foreign imperialism, immigration and disoder: Opium War aftermath and the Small Sword uprisong of 1853&lt;/div&gt;
3. Community, hierarchy and authority: Elites and non-elites in the making of native-place culture during the late Qing&lt;/div&gt;
4. Expansive practices: Charity, modern enterprise, the city and the state&lt;/div&gt;
5. Native-place associations, foreign authority and early popular nationalism&lt;/div&gt;
6. The native place and the nation: Anti-imperialist and republican revolutionary mobilization&lt;/div&gt;
7. &amp;quot;Modern spirit,&amp;quot; institutional change and the effects of warlord government associations in the early republic&lt;/div&gt;
8. The native place and the state: Nationalism, state building and public maneuvering&lt;/div&gt;
9. Conclusion: Culture, modernity and the sources of national identity&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Bryna Goodman &lt;/b&gt;is Professor and Director of Asian Studies in the Department of History, University of Oregon.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Extract from the Preface:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; In Downtown San Francisco, just one block from the Transamerica pyramid, is the large relict basement of the International Hotel. The lot has stood empty since 1977. In the Western Addition, one and a half miles to the west, there stretched until recently a vast tract of bulldozed basements; many of the former buildings had been rooming houses. While I have worked on this book, these two empty sites have haunted me. Before demolition, both had been commercially developed as single-room housing. Yet both sites&amp;mdash;undeveloped land in the middle of a densely built and prosperous city&amp;mdash;seem to have been sown with salt.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; These lots represent important aspects of the American single-room housing crisis: first, the seemingly irrational destruction of millions of private low-rent housing units that are still desperately needed, and second, the near total misunderstanding of life in such places. This book charts the social and cultural history of this residential life and how Americans have arrived at today's hotel housing crisis. For two hundred years, hotels have served a series of domestic roles in urban vernacular environments and subcultures; for at least one hundred years, the keepers of official culture have aimed at eliminating these roles. The hotel housing crisis has resulted from the clash between these two histories.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; My overarching purpose in this work is to expand the notion of &amp;quot;home&amp;quot; in the United States. I have arrived at this goal slowly. When I began, I was a critic of living in hotels. In 1977, when thousands of demonstrators were protesting the evictions and demolition at the International Hotel, I asked, &amp;quot;Why such a fuss? Why would anyone want to live in a hotel?&amp;quot; Then a 1980 study presented this startling fact: half the hotel rooms in San Francisco were residential, and most were in small thirty-room buildings. &amp;quot;Where were all these hotels?&amp;quot; I asked. &amp;quot;Who were they built for?&amp;quot; In answering these questions, the positive potentials of hotel life became apparent. There are major problems in some hotels, but I am now convinced that where hotels are properly managed and maintained, they deserve a place in the range of American housing.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; Although this study is chronological, the sections of the book do not follow a single chronological line. In each chapter, the chronology is typically broken and begun again. The outer edges of the years studied are 1800 and 1980, but the greatest historical detail dates from between 1880 and 1930, the period when downtown hotel life was most vigorous. The majority of the remaining residential hotel buildings in the United States date from this period. These fifty years also marked the widest viable range of housing diversity in American urban history.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; The methods used in this work depend on the conviction that studying the interweaving of buildings and social groups can provide important historical insights. Explaining the tensions between the vernacular and the official, as well as the social and the architectural, has required close study of the physical fabric of ordinary buildings and streets that are rarely photographed or described by experts. In the absence of systematic social surveys or verbal accounts for all types of hotel life, the buildings themselves (or records of those buildings) have been essential documents, and I have studied them with methods borrowed from quantitative social history. To discover what constituted the architectural average of everyday hotel living required a sample of several hundred buildings randomly selected from city directory listings for San Francisco hotels (more precisely, a 12 percent sample of all businesses listed under the categories of hotels, boardinghouses, rooming houses, lodgings, lodging houses, and rooms for the years 1880, 1910, and 1930). Each sampled hotel was then carefully described using data interpolated from Sanborn insurance maps, city tax records, building permit and inspection records, and water company records (which often recorded plans and plumbing fixture lists). This process provided a fairly reliable answer to what types of buildings and locations were in fact most common (table 1, Appendix). Thus, when I refer to a &amp;quot;typical&amp;quot; building&amp;mdash;particularly between 1880 and 1930&amp;mdash;I can do so with confidence. As with manuscript sources, what is erased often proves to be as culturally telling as what remains. In demolition records (where they survived), the nature of the struggle between the official and the ordinary became most clear.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; This focus on the ordinary locates Living Downtown as an urban example of cultural landscape studies&amp;mdash;where landscape means not scenery or open space but the spatial and cultural relationships between groups of people and their everyday surroundings. As such, this study is also within the overlapping realms of cultural and urban history, architectural history, and human geography. However, the work does not develop a traditional aesthetic history of hotel architecture. Nor does it provide a detailed history of San Francisco or suggest specific policies for the future of hotel living. These aspects have been studied by others cited in the notes. Also, most attention goes not to the elegant palace hotels but to rooming houses and cheap lodging houses, because of their larger populations. Where it is used, the slippery term &amp;quot;center city&amp;quot; refers to the retail and office downtown together with the industrial districts and older residential neighborhoods within reasonable walking radius (one or two miles) from the downtown. I have touched only lightly on hotel labor issues, which are well documented elsewhere, but I place a strong emphasis on employment and property capital as integral aspects of American culture. This study critiques downtown landowners, Progressive Era reformers, architects, and city planning officials, but many of the book's heroes are also from these groups. My targets are not any particular people or profession but narrow thinking and the insidious power of both inadvertent and deliberate ignorance. I hope that Living Downtown will be a point of departure for further study and a step toward preventing more empty sites like those of the International Hotel and the Western Addition.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Paul Groth &lt;/b&gt;is Professor of Geography and Architecture at the University of California, Berkeley.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; </text>
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